Today, no one is thinking about such an end (which is a certain epilogue of the conflict in Kosovo) least of all the authorities in Serbia and Yugoslavia; these authorities have maintained a repressive police terror in that part of the state for years, trying to prevent any dialogue or possible solution of the crisis, because that solution, whatever it may be, would be the end of this regime. For years, in elections which last and are repeated according to the needs of the ruling oligarchy, the victory or the ruling role of the party of leftists has been ensured by the manipulation of the votes of non-existent Serbs from Kosovo and the Albanians who supposedly vote for the SPS, although they do not vote in the elections at all. Without that possibility, if the Kosovo crisis were resolved in any manner, the Socialist party of Serbia would have lost its majority in the Serbian parliament a long time ago, and Slobodan Milosevic would have been a forgotten, former and unsuccessful president of Serbia. The leftists know this very well; hence, there are tens of thousands of policemen in Kosovo, they have rejected all possibilities for dialogue with the Albanians, that is the reason for the looming military conflict whose goal is to mobilize the Serb national being injured with losses in wars against Croats and Muslims and to shore up the shaken throne of the leader who tries to repress the problems of bad governing and popular dissatisfaction with miserable living conditions with the re-opening of the problem of the defense of "holy Serb land", which has already caused new victims. In vain were efforts of the whole world to bring about the dialogue between the Serbs and Albanians, in vain threats that clashes will force the few remaining Serbs to leave the holy land: everything is in service of preservation of power and privilege, at the cost of extermination of the whole people; it seems that we are unavoidably sliding toward the repetition of already seen suffering and defeats to which we are perennially led by this regime.
In order to worsen the situation in Kosovo and prevent possible agreement with the Albanians, the ruling party is obfuscating the reasons for the conflict so that an average Serb, even those living in Kosovo, doesn't understand what Albanians' demands are and what the Serbs defend in Kosovo. True, the Albanians want a republic; it isn't a secret that Serbs won't allow that; we also know by heart that a republic exists in Kosovo, with an elected president and an elected government, who have been functioning unhidered without any connection with the Serbian state (which is another fact which additionally complicates the understanding of the essence of the dispute and problems in Kosovo). It seems that it is neither in the interest of the Serbs nor Albanians to find a solution and reach an agreement, having in mind that the Albanians, according to the attitude of Europe and America, would only receive wide ranging autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia, which would certainly reduce the current uncontrolled and unlimited authority of the illegal organs of the parallel authorities; on the other hand the Serbs who are in power would loose their total police control of the province, in which through obvious electoral fraud they ensure seats in the Parliament for the ruling party; also the illegal trade and smuggling is used to obtain slush funds which can be used for corruption of the local Serbs and financing of the preparations of for the planned disaster, in order to prolong the Socialists' hold on power. Both the Albanians and Serbs are working against their own people because a potential conflict can only result in needless graves, death, and destruction while those who had caused the suffering will remain untouchable, as today in Bosnia and Croatia.
In order to prevent the war and suffering, those Serb politicians who in the previous war supported negotiations (even if they were to go on for years) as a way to solve problems must in the interest of the nation undertake everything possible to prevent further, more serious clashes and suffering on both sides. The solution which fully ensures the protection of Serb national interests and the interests of the Albanian people is the solution proposed in this moment by the International Community, as is conveyed by its representatives in the meetings with Albanians and Serbs, all within the framework of western democratic standards. Their verbal proposals should be converted into a written proposal for the solution of the Kosovo crisis which would be an official document of the European union and the USA, similar to the never implemented plan Z-4 for Serbs in Croatia, or the Erdut Agreement. That written and concrete proposal of the International Community, naturally, should be discussed in the Serbian parliament; the representatives should vote whether to accept the agreement; it is certain that they would accept it because the proposal of the International Community is far from the extreme demands of the Albanians, preserves the territorial integrity of the state, guarantees the protection of the rights of Albanians and protects Serb national interests. If the Serbian Parliament accepted such a proposal for the solution of the crisis, offered by the democratic world, and the Albanians rejected it, the political situation would quickly clear up and Serbia would finally abandon the perennial role of a spiteful looser in the international relations and get a chance to bring all those countries which have proposed a solution for the Kosovo crisis to our side. Consequently, the Albanians who reject every solution but the secession and separate state outside Yugoslavia would loose all support of the democratic world for such demands; this would shatter the current isolation [of Yugoslavia] which had been primarily caused by the situation in Kosovo and daily undeniable violations of the human and political rights of Albanians. I think that this proposal for the solution of the Kosovo crisis would have to be a precondition for the formation of the new Serbian government; the negotiations about the composition of the new government [between the SPS and SPO] have reached a dead end because the current regime wants to keep the old program which is not acceptable for those who have fought for the changes and the return of Serbia to the International Community. The obstacle on the Serbia's path to the International Community is the conflict in Kosovo; consequently, we must seek a solution and accept the one offered by the world in which we live and to which we belong, in spite of all mistakes of the current government which have isolated us from it.
One of such mistakes is the behavior of our government and their representatives regarding the armed clashes, human suffering and demonstrations of Albanians in Kosovo. The presidents of Serbia and Yugoslavia have expressed their condolences only to the families of the killed [Serb] policemen, as if the killed Albanians are not the citizens of this country; thus we practically recognize the separate status and separatism which they desire so much and show our inhuman side. The families of killed Albanians, regardless of why and how they died, also deserve the sympathy of the president of the state in which they live and which demands that they accept it and recognize it as their own state, although the leaders of that state are doing everything to prevent that and their act does not correspond to the traditions of the democratic world. Violent breaking up of the peaceful protests in Pristina and other cities in Kosovo is another unnecessary mistake which only exacerbates the conflict with the rest of the world and reduces the likelihood for the expected support of the world in the fight against terrorism, which has suddenly and mysteriously appeared just before the announced elections of the Albanians in Kosovo, organized outside the legal system of government in Serbia. All the mistakes of Serbia and Yugoslavia in connection with the Kosovo crisis, naturally, are supported en masse by all the opposition parties; thus we can expect another show of national unity and the demand for the "final eradication" of the terrorists and separatists in Kosovo, which unavoidably leads to the national disaster as in previous euphorias and desired but unsuccessful "showdowns" with Croats and Muslims. Thus, our patriotic, human, and national responsibility before twenty dead citizens of this country who are today buried and mourned by their mothers, wives, sisters and families demands that there should be fewer showdowns and more negotiations; it is unlikely that any idea or state is more important to these families than their loved ones. Four years ago, in Uzice, a disconsolate mother who had lost her only son in the war against Croats told me: "What do I care if Serbia reaches all the way to Vienna, if my Milorad is not in it"; her sorrow and the senselessness of the sacrifice of human lives must become a wall before which all future suffering of our and Albanian peoples will stop.