by Miodrag DODIK
Some of the negotiators, above all those from the Federation BH, view this as an excellent chance to abolish the Republic of Srpska (RS). And if they cannot do that, then they at least want to impose a constitutional framework that could in the future be a reason and justification for the abolishment of RS, which is their primary goal. As far as this goal is concerned, there are no differences between the parties from the Federation BH. If I did not personally know who was representing the SDP, and who the HDZ, I would not be able to tell their political affiliation.
On the other hand, their basic obstacle in accomplishment of this goal are the political parties from the Republic of Srpska, which literally stick to the abovementioned framework: alignment of constitutions of the entities with the constitution of Bosnia-Hercegovina.
Realizing that the set goal definitely and in the long term strengthens the entity, because it indicates that it, the entity, is aligning its constitution, and therefore definitely exists, partners from the Federation BH are trying to make these negotiations senseless by using all sorts of used up arguments, and create in their public illusion that they are fighting for something.
This is the situation and framework for the negotiations of the top leaders about the constitutional reform.
The public that observes all that increasingly understands the essence. These negotiations are difficult and have been going on for a while, because they are important. This moment is in its significance close to that of the Dayton agreement.
What is the issue here?
Simply, we are writing a new constitution. When RS and FBH adopt new constitutions, they will become lasting elements of the political system in Bosnia-Hercegovina and that will signify a definite defeat of those who advocated that the entities be abolished. Perhaps that is why they are dragging their feet and avoiding compromise at all cost, only to avoid being declared losers.
What else is the problem?
Language: Another disputed issues are language, definition of vital national interests, mechanisms employed in protection of those interests, and finally the ethnic structure of the authorities. These issues were dominant in the early 90's, but then they were resolved by war. Now, we must take a different approach.
But, first things first. I've learned a definition of the nation a long time ago, and I do know that language is a basic characteristic of a nation. As a rule, the language is named by the nation that uses it. The centuries-long symbiosis between nation and language indicates that they are intertwined. That is why every nation nurtures and takes care of its language.
If you lose language, you lose your identity.
I base my political position regarding this topic on the above elements. Therefore, if Serbs, Bosniaks and Croats are constituent nations, then their languages can only be based on their national names. Therefore, their languages can be Serb, Bosniak, and Croat, and never Serbian or Bosnian.
I know that this is perhaps too simple for such an important issue, but more than enough for me and those who reason like me. Here is another reply to the question: why not the Bosnian language?
The issue of language is also a political issue. Bosnia-Hercegovina does not belong only to one nation and no one has the right to exclusive use (copyright) for the term Bosnia. That term can be used only with the agreement of all three constituent nations. There is no such agreement regarding the term Bosnian language, therefore, that term cannot be used.
I know that some would use this to start a debate with me and I am not trying to avoid such a debate.
If it is accepted that one of the constituent nations can call its language the Bosnian language, then those who accept that also accept that with time Serb and Croat languages will be gone.
I cannot accept that. Perhaps these arguments are not sufficient for the other side, but I tell them that they are sufficient for me, and that is why I cannot accept their use of the term Bosnian language.
It is important to note that I have nothing against the term Bosniak language and even advocate its use.
Arbitrary 1991: Another important topic is the definition of the vital national interest. In this region, in all nations, we frequently mention this exalted term that has been interpreted many times, and never properly defined. In Bosnia-Hercegovina the definition of the meaning of this term is the basis of the centuries long conflict between its nations that continues today.
Consequently, the pre-war communist authorities responded by their infamous - neither Serb, neither Muslim, neither Croat - in response to the question who owns Bosnia. Since no one owned Bosnia, everyone tried to get hold of it. That is why we had a war. Today, after a war, the heirs of the legacy of neither Serb, nor Muslim, nor Croat (SDP BH) are again trying to promote the theory about no man's land and are making all sorts of demands. Above all that the authorities be based on the 1991 population census.
They could have demanded that they be based on the 1951 census as well. They were in power then, as well.
The problem is in typical Communist demagogy. They say we want 1991 population census. We say, fine, let us apply the 1991 population census. Consequently, the government of Srpska has 16 ministers, 9 of whom should be Serbs, four Bosniaks, two Croats and two others. They respond: "No way!"
We say: "Why, these are percentages from the 1991 population census, this was your proposal?"
Their response: no nation can have more than 49 percent of representatives in power, even though based on the 1991 population census it constituted more than 50 percent of population.
Then I realize that the only thing these guys from the SDP BH, the Party for BH, the NHI, and the HDZ managed to learn in this unfortunate times is to keep talking about their concern for nations, while they keep trimming them down. All for their own selfish reasons. Their common goal is obvious. They want that Serbs be minority in their government in Srpska.
They even use tricks and say that no nation can have less than 20 percent of ministers in the government.
Now, we Serbs are supposed to be grateful for such generosity. Based on the 1991 population census, Serbs were 18 percent of population in Federation BH. Obviously we should be grateful for their generous offer to increase our representation by 2 percent. Really generous!
However, the problem is on the other side. If the minimum is 20 percent participation in the authorities, on what basis was the participation of Croats in the authorities raised from 8 percent, their proportion of the population of Srpska in 1991, to the demanded 20 percent?
Really selfish, indeed.
Can we now accept to reduce ourselves, so that others can increase their power. Why? Based on what principles, what justice? The only arguments the other side offered was: it must be done.
Well, I don't think so! I am using this sort of language because I want to make sure they understand me. The problem of the constitutional reform is not in the reform as such but in those who want to abuse it to achieve something else. The problem is that I do not agree with that.
Impossible symmetry: The constitutional reform must be brought back where the decisions are made, in the parliaments of the entities. There is a procedure for the changes of the constitution and it must be observed. I am an optimist. The Republic of Srpska and the Federation BH will get new constitutions and thereby strengthen their status as parts of the political system in Bosnia-Hercegovina.
I am an optimist because I know that the Republic of Srpska has capacity to create a constitution based on European standards. The demanded symmetry could be acceptable, if the demand is not that Srpska be symmetric with the Federation BH.
Could it not be the other way round, that the Federation BH adjust its internal organization so that it is the same as that of Srpska?
In that case, there would be no cantons.
In any case the demanded symmetry is impossible because the two entities are different.
Introduction of the Council for Protection of Nations in the parliamentary procedure is a huge step forward in the Republic of Srpska. The responsibility of the political factors in the RS regarding this issue if obvious. This council has its role, but cannot be used for all and nothing. That is why the introduction of a council in which the constituent nations will have a place for the protection of their interests must be supported and accepted.
Thus organized Srpska definitely assures its survival.
Only such Republic of Srpska can have access to Europe. I participate in this difficult process of constitutional reform and in politics in general because I care about Srpska and Europe.