In our conditions, one of them could be that Montenegro, the state that in the past took pride in its honor and courage, could become a part of the least developed country in Europe - Albania! Although many may find this prediction exaggerated, the last week's statement of the Albanian president during his visit to Skopje, when he explained his fateful platform advocating the change of borders in the Balkans, as well as the events during the last few months in Montenegro, with pronounced moves by Milo Djukanovic towards independence, confirm that in this part of Europe nothing happens by chance.
In the Macedonian capital Rexhep Mejdani urged Montenegro to persevere in its struggle for independence and as a sovereign state become a part of a new state in the Balkans - Greater Albania. After a recent statement by prime minister Majko Pandelli who on behalf of the Albanian government publicly revealed that the establishment of a united Albanian state is under way, it appears that the plan and ideas of the USA about the new geopolitical shape of our region are behind everything. The crisis in Kosmet, the NATO aggression on FR Yugoslavia, the quiet occupation of Macedonia and protective attitude of America towards Montenegrin part of our state that includes encouragement of provocations against Belgrade, are outlining a framework for a new strategy. This strategy has already been described by our scientists and authors, but the Western diplomats and politicians, apart from the Albanian government, are still hiding it under the shroud of the talk about the respect for international borders in their public appearances. The experience with the break up of the former Yugoslavia clearly demonstrates to what extent the American creators of crises all over the world are prepared to respect international borders.
Last year's study of the Belgrade Institute for Geopolitical Studies about "Greater Albania" predicts exactly the scenario that has been revealed spoonful by spoonful by Mejdani and company. Renowned experts in this area predict the secession of Kosmet, a division of Macedonia, and a disappearance of Montenegro as preconditions for the establishment of a new Albanian state. Last year even the Albanian Academy of Sciences publicly proclaimed its support for a greater Albanian platform, thereby only confirming the intentions of our southern neighbor.
At this moment Montenegro has become the most interesting piece in the construction of the red and black mosaic in the Balkans. The servile tolerance of a dangerous political awakening of Albanians in this republic is the consequence of the fact that the current Montenegrin president has been elected to this office only thanks to the votes of ethnic Albanians. Of course, one must repay his debts after the elections. Still this fact clashes with another one: a majority of Montenegrins decided in a referendum to stay in Yugoslavia. Consequently, almost all the political moves by Djukanovic as the president ignore thus expressed will of Montenegrin citizens. This has cleared the space for underhanded intentions about the dismemberment of the federation with recognizable epilogue: even American servants from Tirana by now openly talk about it.
However, Mejdani can say whatever he likes, or more precisely, what he is ordered to, but for the Yugoslav and especially Montenegrin public it is more important to consider what has been done and what hasn't and should have during the rule of the new political team led by Djukanovic, and in the long term assists the new composition of the Balkans envisaged by the U.S.
The behavior of the official Montenegro during 78 days of aggression on FRY, reserved reactions and undermining of anti-terrorist actions of Federal Institutions in Kosmet, the tolerance of activities of some ethnic Albanian Montenegrin ministers who publicized their secessionist intentions as a state policy, are only a part of everything that created a cozy atmosphere for the achievement of the final goal. Djukanovic's close links and collaboration with the officials from the American administrations during the days of the worst aggression, under the guise of struggle for democratic reforms had for its goal gradual separation from Belgrade. The insistence of Podgorica on disagreements with the officials in the Yugoslav capital hides as in the previous case of manipulation, a much deeper conspiracy whose victim could also be Montenegro and even Milo Djukanovic himself.
Besides political, the economic facet of the equation is also interesting. Cynics predict that the linking of the Montenegrin and Albanian economies would produce a smuggling powerhouse in this part of Europe. It is only uncertain who would get an upper hand it that gang: whether specialists for cigarettes would be more productive than the specialists for weapons and drugs. In any case, it is obvious that a black economic-political hole would be created in the region and that incapable Europe would have to seek American assistance in order to deal with it.
Stubborn facts are indicating that even the path from absurd to reality is not impossible. Intoxicated by tempting talk of independence, citizens of Montenegro are frequently not in the position to find out for themselves, so that Mejdani's threat from Skopje could be the last political alarm about the direction of Djukanovic's policy. If that is ignored and Greater Albanian strivings are realized, there is no doubt that in that creation Montenegro would represent a "proud" minority.