He (Was Not) Alone

by Zija DIZDAREVIC

Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo, Federation Bosnia-Hercegovina, B-H, February 14, 2002

The trial of Slobodan Milosevic has historical importance for international legal and political relations. The unquestionable principle that only individuals can be tried has been diluted by the context in which Milosevic acted and by the effect of his actions, for which it is impossible to establish all facts, as well as by the large number of his assistants or executors in a primarily genocidal endeavor. Milosevic is not the author of the Greater Serbian project, because that project is the product of a historical obsession about lasting conspiracy, constant losses and lasting endangerment of the Serb people, which has been denied national and territorial unification. That obsession, based on mythomania and historical forgeries that ignore rights of others and suggest that they should be eliminated, received its ideological and practical expression in the memorandum of the Serb chauvinist elite. However, the Serb Orthodox Church and family upbringing based on the Kosovo myth have given a lasting and crucial contribution to the survival of that consciousness. The dissolution of the former Yugoslavia started with Tito's death and was viewed as a chance to realize the program proclaimed in the memorandum, which was assisted by Albanian, Croat, and Slovenian nationalism and separatism and the permissive attitude of the international authorities. Media shaped the chauvinist trance, the Fuhrer was produced by the central committee of the Serbian League of Communists, and the decisive factor in the hegemonistic invasion from Serbia and Montenegro was the siding of the leadership of the Yugoslav People's Army with the Greater Serbian idea. In that invasion Bosnia-Hercegovina experienced a civilizational cataclysm. It was exposed to the total destruction of its historical essence and its state, social and cultural framework. Half of 4.3 million inhabitants left their homes (1.2 million still remain outside their homes - many of them forever). The number of dead and traumatized is unknown. The full truth about worst beastly murders, rapes, maltreatment, horrendous humiliations, has been suppressed. Milosevic was the executioner of that morbid policy, and the Republic of Srpska is the greatest achievement of that Greater Serbian plan. The Republic of Srpska is the achievement whose genocidal nature continues with the agreement of the international community and is the continuous threat to all non-Serbs and to the survival of Bosnia-Hercegovina. And Sarovic, Kalinic, Ivanic and Dodik are united in the defense of the Fuhrer's crime.

Challenge of Active Islam

by Zija DIZDAREVIC

Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo, Federation Bosnia-Hercegovina, B-H, January 27, 2002

New protests on Friday in Sarajevo, prompted by the extradition of six Arabs and the echo of those events that can be followed on assorted web pages testify about the intent of Islamists in Bosnia-Hercegovina to optimally politically and in the media exploit the situation after that illegal delivery. Slobodna Bosna, Dani, and Oslobodjenje tried to offer as much information as possible about the events in front of the central prison in Sarajevo, about organization and behavior of the protesters and their strategic preoccupations. Authorities owe the public a thorough and detailed report about the events and participants in the demonstrations. Demonstrators overstepped the limits appropriate for protests in connection with protection of human rights and it seems they were very well organized. A new development is also (ab)use of the media (especially Radio Naba, based in Visoko, based on the transcript of the part of the program published in Slobodna Bosna), which urged demonstrators to turn to violence. Religious fanaticism unprecedented in Bosnia-Hercegovina, going so far as to express readiness for sacrifice and even a wish for a chance for sacrifice and to spill "Muslim blood", was displayed. Therefore, these people are extremely strongly motivated and have extremist goals. Journalists mention that some of the protesters were foreigners. There would not be such strong militant Islam in Bosnia-Hercegovina if it weren't for an active external factor, working together with the local forces. On this occasion the public was informed about the existence of the Coordination Board of Islamic Youth Organizations in Bosnia-Hercegovina which includes representatives of the Youth Circle of the Islamic Community in Bosnia-Hercegovina, Active Islamic Youth, Young Muslims, Civic Association "Furkan", Bosnian Academic Club, and War Veterans' Association "Fatih". Young Muslims, an ideological and physical kernel of the Party of Democratic Action, are by far the oldest organization of that sort in this region. Young Muslims' strategy was developed in two books authored by Alija Izetbegovic - "Islamic Declaration" and "Islam Between East and West". Izetbegovic elaborates philosophical-religious and practical superiority of Islam with respect to other ideologies. He is convinced that Islam is primarily ideological and political, rather than a religious category. Islam is offered as an optimal model ("third path") for the organization of the state and society. Those Izetbegovic's books are a theoretical model for the development of political Islam and pan-Islamism in this region, just like Young Muslims were established as an organization whose main goal was to achieve these goals. We do not know whether those books have influenced the formation of a new generation of Islamists in Bosnia-Hercegovina, but it is obvious that a part of Bosniak youth has been directly and visibly influenced by imported Islamic options - from Wahabbis to Talibans. The war in Bosnia-Hercegovina and indifference of the great powers at the time had crucial influence on such developments. Regarding the extradition of the "Algiers group" the protesters targeted the current authorities (Democratic Alliance for Changes) and the USA. However, statements of the protesters, as recorded by journalists and on the Internet, indicate that those two political addresses are otherwise a strategic obsession of the local Islamic extremists. Regardless of how much protesters insisted on the spontaneous nature of the demonstrations, avoidance of violence and protection of human rights, it is obvious that they are strongly inspired by anti-American and anti-Communist ideology (identification Alliance - SDP - Communists). SDA representative in the parliament Osman Brka, president of the Commission for Human Rights in the Parliament of Bosnia-Hercegovina, who joined the protesters said for Slobodna Bosna the following: "I want that atheism disappear from this land" (!?) The strategic goal of Young Muslims is "Islamization of Muslims". "Teachers of Islam" were imported for that purpose from abroad, while the chief goal is "de-Bosniakisation" and "de-Bosniazation" of the local Muslims and their cooption for the ideology of aggressive pan-Islamism. That is why sevdah songs [Bosnian Muslim folk songs with "secular" topics - love, longing, sorrow] were condemned for the sake of ilahiyas and casidas [religious Islamic songs]. The USA takes very seriously appearances of Islamist factors in Bosnia-Hercegovina and all those linked with them. Both Americans and the Alliance will use that as another argument for the extradition of the six Arabs to Washington within the campaign against terrorism. However, we must insist on distinguishing the true protection (violations) of human rights from legally based struggle against terrorism. Both are primary interests of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Bosnia-Hercegovina faces the challenge of active Islamism. New young Muslims are a feature of our political and ideological reality, and it remains to be seen whether they will be an important factor in our future. Only time will show whether democratic pluralism within Bosniak nation can fight Islamic radicalism.

Rise, Ban Kulin!

by Hamza BAKSIC

Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo, Federation Bosnia-Hercegovina, B-H, January 18, 2002

The latest round of talks between the OHR and Banja Luka started with unusually open assertions offered by Wolfgang Petritsch in the new Year's issue of Reporter. "It is clear that the Republic of srpska [sic], seven years after the signing of the Dayton agreement is still a nationalist, mono-ethnic structure, or an abnormal model of intolerance in which the rule of law still hasn't taken root. There is no place in the 21st century Europe for such a community," the high representative says. Addressing the readers in the Republic of srpska (RS), Petritsch indirectly responds to unfounded accusations that the international community, or someone from the Federation Bosnia-Hercegovina (BH), is endangering the Republic of srpska: "The Republic of srpska is endangered from within because it does not respect European standards, because it does not treat all of its citizens equally, although they have the right to expect equal treatment in a multi-ethnic entity, because it does not guarantee human rights to all of its citizens, because it does not welcome the returnees - all of these things take away legitimacy and weaken the Republic of srpska... Urgent enactment of laws and measures needed for reform and improvement of economy has been slowed down by political, rather than by economic rationale. The struggle against corruption has barely started. Many problems stem from obstructionist behavior of Serb representatives in the state parliament. Their tactics of obstruction and wasting of time has prevented the enactment of important laws that will improve economic conditions in the whole Bosnia-Hercegovina and improve efficiency of state institutions. That cannot be tolerated anymore..." Then, Petritsch talked about the obstruction of the return, concluding that the currently allocated resources in the budget are insufficient. He also mentioned "scandalous dragging of feet" in the case of Colonel Avdo Palic, rejecting the "excuse of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of srpska that they are unable to locate the officer of the RS Army who was the last one to see the colonel". Listing the key points of departure of the authorities in RS from the political standards they publicly proclaim, Wolfgang Petritsch mentioned cooperation with the Hague Tribunal - nothing specific - and changes of the entity constitution. "The authorities in the Republic of srpska have endangered the survival of their entity by failing to respect European standards and failing to guarantee basic rights to the citizens of that entity. Let me be clear. Without serious efforts to carry out constitutional, social, and economic reforms, support return and human rights, the Republic of srpska may face disappearance. Behavior of its leaders will make the entity economically and politically unviable". The statement by Mirko Sarovic, president of the entity, that RS has nothing to be ashamed of, that it was on the right path, and that they would do the same again, fits in that context. This is a statement of programmatic nature, similar to Petritsch's article. The fact that Sarovic talked about the need to take control of "the forces of aggressive patriotism" is not enough to hide that RS crossed from one year to another without true dialog, either with the international community, or within. The danger of such an attitude is twofold. First, because of the developments in one entity. Secondly - because the situation in RS serves as an excuse for delays and inaction in the Federation, so that even Sarajevo is late in opening some issues that must be put on the agenda. The fact that RS was late in adjusting the entity constitution to the state constitution cannot be an excuse for a similar tardiness in the Federation. Changes of the entity constitution in the Federation BH will also lead to a change in relations. The changes will practically put an end to the Washington agreement and the Federation will also be forced to count on the inclusion of hitherto marginalized Serbs in the way that will profoundly affect daily political life. For example, in the coming elections, in the autumn, will Serbs have the same positions as Croats and Bosniaks? How will the clause about the 1991 population census as the basis for participation in the government be applied in the Federation BH? Is anyone in Sarajevo prepared to accept representatives of the Serb Democratic Party in the local assembly? With deeply, so to speak, entitized consciousness, the citizens of the Federation BH will have an equally difficult time getting used to Bosnia-Hercegovina as a truly unified political space. The fear of open space is visible in the Republic of srpska, because the process of discussion of stereotypes that led to the war has been opened there, which is why Sarovic defends those stereotypes by saying - we would do the same again. What about the Federation BH? In January 1992 the newspaper you hold in your hands was printed in both Cyrillic and Latin scripts. A readership poll established at the time that an overwhelming majority of readers was not even aware of the fact, while others were not bothered by the use of both scripts. To attempt to use the Cyrillic alphabet today would be very risky and the strongest criticism would probably come from those who frequently talk about Bosnian traditions and invoke Kulin Ban. Which script was used to write his declaration? But, that is a story "for Kulin Ban and good times".

Arrogance

by Zija DIZDAREVIC

Oslobodjenje, Sarajevo, Federation Bosnia-Hercegovina, B-H, January 17, 2002

Branko Peric, columnist of Nezavisne Novine and a new favorite of the international power brokers in Bosnia-Hercegovina (BH), yesterday again attacked the truth about the recent BH history and common sense. Thus Peric, among other, writes: "...constituent status of nations is usually defended by the same people who in 1992 in the well-known referendum blatantly ignored the political will of one nation, knowing that such political arrogance would start a war..." Two thirds of citizens of Bosnia-Hercegovina who on February 28 and March 1 of 1992 voted in the referendum about independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina and overwhelmingly voted for independence are denounced by Peric as arrogant and blamed for the war!? The referendum was conducted according to all democratic standards, in spite of the totalitarian anti-referendum campaign of the SDS, which in the meantime established para-state authorities in the significant part of the country and created territorial-political conditions for the Greater Serbian aggression on Bosnia-Hercegovina. Until the last moment the HDZ supported the SDS in its attempts to obstruct the referendum, but Franjo Tudman ultimately realized that it was better for him to have independent Bosnia-Hercegovina, even if only on paper, than "Serboslavia" along all of his borders. Despite direct threats many Serbs participated in the referendum. World authorities who demanded the referendum accepted its result and soon afterwards recognized the independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Peric obviously does not accept the democratic will of a majority of citizens of Bosnia-Hercegovina from 1992, nor the relevance of the international recognition of the independence of Bosnia-Hercegovina. In that he refers to the will of an overwhelming majority of citizens as a "blatant snub of the political will of one nation". Therefore, the will of the citizens of two nations and a not insignificant number of the citizens of the third nation is irrelevant, while the will of those who willingly or not ended up under the control of Slobodan Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic is only valid. That is the classic Greater Serbian understanding of "democracy". Peric's claim that the majority that voted for independence is responsible for the war in Bosnia-Hercegovina is an utterly morbid lie. Thus, he again sided with Serb nationalists who claim that all three sides are equally responsible for the war and that the Republic of Srpska was a legitimate state entity between 1992 and 1995, while Bosnia-Hercegovina was an imposed state creation, despite historical facts and the will of the majority of its citizens.

Translated on September 12, 2003