However, that is not the end of a list of accusations. The vice-president of SDA complains that Westendorp, by giving support to Social Democrats, discredits the idea of multi-ethnicity, discredits the activities of the high representative of the International Community in Bosnia, "exceeds his mandate at the expense of respect for human rights and basic human liberties" and, finally, violates "European convention about the protection of human rights and basic human liberties, which establishes human rights to freedom of organization and free political action of individuals, groups and political parties under equal conditions for all".
Furthermore, Dr. Genjac asserts that Westendorp gave his support to political parties with no support among the voters, which are not multinational (he refers here to Socialist Party of RS and Dodik's Independent Social Democrats), and that all those parties are not approaching the unification with the goal of promotion of social democracy, but in order to win power.
The reaction by the vice-president of SDA, even if it were his personal view, although it is hard to believe in that considering Genjac's loyalty to the party apparatus, very clearly reveals fear that the forthcoming election campaign could have for its main goal the destruction of power of nationalist parties. And SDA, as the promoter of Bosniak interests, will not be excluded from that chain.
SDA politicians have every reason to fear such an outcome. There is already the example of Serb Democratic Party and its loss of power in November 1997 in special general elections in the Republic of Srpska. Furthermore, the resolution of crisis in Srpska demonstrated that the will of voters does not have to be the main argument in coming to power and that it is a fierce struggle in which victors can be even minor parties as Dodik's Independent Social Democrats.
On the other hand Dr. Genjac's article reveals that in SDA they are aware that the unification of social democrats, in spite of huge efforts of the SDA leadership to minimize the importance of that process, can after all disturb petrified national balance in Bosnia-Hercegovina. Dr. Genjac justifies that with the assertion: "... we are presently in a prepolitical environment and prepolitical state of consciousness without a firm state framework. These circumstances must be overcome in order to start the development of modern social democracy in Bosnia-Hercegovina".
However, these days SDA follows roughly the same political philosophy as HDZ and SDS which makes the clashes between them unavoidable. In such circumstances, they have been trying to establish the political bodies of the Federation for four years, and those of Bosnia-Hercegovina for two years. Both projects have been very slow and sloppy.
On the other hand, international representatives are running out of patience while waiting for a step out of, as Dr. Genjac says, pre-political atmosphere into firm state framework. Westendorp's support for the unification of Social Democrats is the expression of that impatience, rather than ideological solidarity, or even ever firmer belief of world diplomats that new names are needed in the Bosnian political game.
Of course SDA will try to stay in power even in such balance of power, which is a natural reaction, as are natural opposition attempts to oust SDA from power. SDA will try to remain in power even at the cost of confrontation with the International Community. Dr. Halid Genjac's article in Dnevni Avaz is only the first sign of that conflict and, apparently, the tensions are bound to get worse as the elections date draws nearer. It seems that in SDA they have realized that international representatives will be their main rivals at the September elections.
Translated on 4/17/98