In the 1990 local elections we won 65% of votes in coalition with the SDP. We will wait for the official results but the scores from 1990 and in the last elections are almost identical. Nevertheless, the most recent results were achieved in much more difficult conditions and are consequently that much more significant.
What does the opposition victory in Tuzla and good results in general, mean for Bosnia?
Tuzla has been saved and that is important. Both sides believed that Tuzla is the most important point with possible far reaching implications for the political scene in Bosnia. The significance of the elections in Tuzla surpassed the local scope in both political and psychological sense. The outcome testifies to the general increase in trust in left, democratic forces (the average of 30% on the Federal level, and as much as 40% of votes in the Tuzla-Podrinje canton). Even the changes in the Republic of Srpska are to the advantage of the democratic forces. In general, these elections proved that the citizens reject scare mongering, especially claims that the return of war is imminent and emphasis on the danger coming from the "others". Moreover, the citizens do not believe in empty promises and demand results. It is time to show results, to offer to the people a chance to live and a hope for the prosperity in the future. I think that, if the electoral results had gone the other way Bosnia would resemble a heart of darkness. The future of young generations would be in question. The advance of social democracy is the proof that the people have started to think about their future perspectives and practical problems.
Has the Tuzla political model spread to the surrounding municipalities (Lukavac, Zivinice, Gracanica, Srebrenik)?
These were the local elections. If these results are a portent of the general mood of the electorate, then the Tuzla model has started on the course that we had charted out: out of the region and toward the central Bosnia and even Srpska.
The election results are the best answer to their threats. Threats have never scared me, but rather spurred me to work hard and dispel doubts with concrete results.
Is Tuzla a red city, as was claimed at the mentioned HDZ rally?
If they are referring to the number of the fallen fighters and blood spilled in the defense of Bosnia-Hercegovina, then it definitely is. If they are talking about politics, I ask: is there a better model? If there is, we are prepared to accept a blue, yellow, any color model. If the people in Tuzla are red, that is their decision and there is nothing I can do about that. Tuzla is the most consistent supporter of the integral and democratic Bosnia-Hercegovina with maximal respect for human rights. Human rights are our color.
Do these elections portend a balance between two political concepts - national and civic?
If we are approaching that balance, that is an indication that the time for change is coming.
Will United opposition list and SDP form a coalition in Tuzla after these elections?
We've never interrupted our cooperation and it will naturally continue after the elections.
Do you still owe something to the citizens after these seven years, something that may not have been done because of objective circumstances?
We've managed to preserve people, property, a model of coexistence as the essence of Bosnian tradition, and the democratic character of the authorities. In the conditions in which we have lived during the last seven years, that covers about 90% of promises. There were some weaknesses in organization, which caused slowness in the way administration responded to the needs of the citizens. We will reorganize the administration in order to make it simpler and quicker, and consequently more efficient. The problem in that field is the lack of corresponding laws. We do not want to break the existing laws, which presents an obstacle to the reorganization, because of our legalistic approach. We are hoping that the Parliament will be more efficient and enact new laws for the new time and new conditions.
What is your priority after the elections?
The establishment of the municipal authorities and coordination of the municipal and cantonal authorities. Since the state hasn't resolved the status of the most endangered categories of population (former soldiers, invalids, and families of fallen fighters), we will continue to intervene in that field in order to compensate [for the lack of care demonstrated by the central authorities].
What is your opinion regarding the narrowing of the jurisdiction of the municipal authorities?
We are hoping that some cities will be formed. Tuzla would proceed with the formation of several municipalities. The city would get some of the functions presently exercised by the canton. The setting up of the city authorities would be a complicated but necessary process. The experiences of the local authorities in democratic societies very precisely outline the necessary functions and jurisdiction of the cities. Democratic character and efficiency are based on local self rule. If there is no democracy on that level, there is no democracy in general.
Will the relations between the municipality and the canton change in the future?
Yes; essentially these relations haven't been fully regulated so far. In the Federation, it has been agreed that two cities should be established: Sarajevo and Mostar. The associations of the cities and municipalities of Bosnia-Hercegovina demanded the establishment of cities as local administrative units and that's where our view differ. We cannot allow that Tuzla be split into six municipalities which would slide toward autarchy and each one of which would individually resolve the problems of city services and infrastructure, especially if those municipalities were based on ethnicity as the only or predominant factor. The structure must be based on more efficient organization of local authorities.
What has been the main obstacle to the establishment of the cities so far?
The lack of political will in the ruling parties, or alternatively, tendency to control property through the control of power.
Your decision to leave the Parliament [during the war] turned out to have been a wise decision. Did you make it on your own or...?
It was my personal decision and there were two reasons for it. The Parliament was inefficient and I felt that I was simply wasting my time. The other was that Tuzla had to be saved. It was a big risk, but I opted for a position where I could contribute more. The citizens have clearly stated what they think about it.
SDA [the ruling party in Bosniak-Croat Federation] has stated that the opposition victory in Tuzla is not due to the different program but rather the personal charisma of Selim Beslagic.
Dear God, I can only thank them for such a big compliment, but I disagree with that statement.
No, UBSD is more than Selim Beslagic or any other individual.
What about the argument that in other municipalities the United List has won far less votes than in Tuzla?
That is partly correct, but is also a consequence of agreed tactic. The main struggle took place in Tuzla, and in other places we cleared the space for SDP which they used remarkably well, to our great pleasure. The shift of the voters toward democracy is very significant.
Is has been said that UBSD has two sides: the positive one is Selim Beslagic and the negative one is Sejfudin Tokic.
That is interesting. I can't see a reason for animosity toward Tokic. Almost all of his statements which had been criticized in the public eventually turned out to be correct. Consider the most recent example. He was against the election of Ostojic to a parliamentary committee. Tokic is direct and a fighter. I believe that goals can also be achieved indirectly. That is a matter of style and tactics. Tokic is one of the most consistent fighters for Bosnia-Hercegovina.
How do you explain the rise of SDP?
Simply. They have the infrastructure of a political party. After their congress, they activated a lot of people; they have a clear program. I would like to congratulate them.
What can you tell us about the unification of UBSD and SDP?
We've been working on that carefully. We need an union which will be more than the sum of two individual parties.
Are the obstacles to the unification of the two parties in the personalities of their leaders?
No, I used to have an excellent relationship with Nijaz Durakovic as I do now with Zlatko Lagumdzija. They say that my weakness is that I have no ambitions to become a leader. I would like that at the next UBSD congress the party gets a new leader.
If the congress decides for unification, then personal motives must be adjusted to that. The general interest of social democracy is more important than personal motives and ambitions.
What would be the advantages of the unification?
The country would get a strong opposition party which could forcefully pull Bosnia forward after the next elections.
What about the coalition of the Party for Bosnia-Hercegovina, the liberals and GDS [Civic Democratic Party, a tiny mainly Bosniak opposition party] with the SDA?
Those parties are not true opposition parties.
When, in Bosnia, will economy become more important than politics?
As soon as the freedom of movement is achieved.
When will you offer a well rounded social program?
We already have a general social program.
The citizens expect more, a program which offers concrete solutions for social problems, the way and means for those solutions.
We won't make empty promises. In the coming year we will offer a realistic social program which will receive the support of citizens and Europe.
It has been said that Bosnia needs politicians like Beslagic and Lagumdzija in the period of transition.
Thanks. We've been working, but there are more capable people than I.
Does the opposition have a leader for this time?
Leaders are necessary. In this moment we need people who can pull forward with their talent, knowledge and honesty and who would optimally use the potential of their collaborators. Bosnia's opposition parties have leaders who are capable of rising to the occasion.
Some believe that the significance of leaders has been overstated.
In the democratic world, strong leaders are sought after and accepted, but there there are laws and principles which limit their power; there is public opinion and control. If a leader makes a mistake, he stops being a leader. Leaders are responsible for the results and their actions. If a party looses in elections, its leader is replaced. Recently, in Norway, the leader of the ruling party resigned even though the party won in the elections; nevertheless, they won two percents less than predicted before the elections. Actions are the measure of the truth and the achievements the measure for competence. That is not respected here. that is the difference between us and the democratic world, the difference between a democratic and undemocratic leader.
If you were offered before the elections: victory in Tuzla or the Nobel peace prize?
Victory in Tuzla.
I had not been involved in politics before 1990. My colleagues were saying "what if we loose", and I "what if we win". I haven't been bred and trained to be a politician and wield power. I wish for just a bit more time to finish some unfinished projects in Tuzla. In the next local elections in Tuzla there must be a different candidate. If you ate cookies for seven years, you'd get sick of them, let alone Selim Beslagic. I would be happy if in the future, as a former mayor, I can witness the achievements of the citizens of Tuzla. If I am atypical, that is because I haven't been infected with politics. I am prepared to return to my profession or any other type of work, anything suitable for human life.
Translated on 1/21/98