Ironically, former Prime Minister Haris Silajdzic was the first one to experience the consequences of veering away from the collective opinion. In Kladusa, populated exclusively by Bosniaks [Bosnian Muslims], he was brained with a wooden club. Currently, United Opposition List for Bosnia- Hercegovina, a multinational and multiparty coalition, is going through the most difficult trials. Its members were at several instances prevented from holding their pre-election rallies. The ruling Party for Democratic Action (SDA) is in power in all the places where that happened. If its staunchest supporters, equipped with party banners and wooden clubs, shout that Stjepan Kljujic and Ivo Komsic [Bosnian Croat politicians who support unitary multi-ethnic Bosnia-Hercegovina] are Ustashe, Bogic Bogicevic [ethnic Serb politician, last Bosnian representative in the collective presidency of the former Yugoslavia; supports unitary, multi-ethnic Bosnia-Hercegovina] a Chetnik and Zlatko Lagumdzija and Nijaz Durakovic [Bosnian Muslim opposition politicians] traitors, than we have a tragic misunderstanding.
What are the roots of this misunderstanding? Are they in the ideology of SDA or in the political ignorance of people isolated in the sacred space of their own religion, their own blood and soil. Maybe those people have a vision of the future Bosnia, but that vision can only be harmful for Bosnia or impossible to implement. After the incident in Gradacac where the candidates of the United Opposition List were physically assaulted, the head of Gradacac municipality, Safko Mesanovic, reacted by sending a letter to Oslobodenje in which he unintentionally reveals his political philosophy: "While many are discussing the future of Bosnia I have to take care of Bosnia today". Mr. Mesanovic adds that Gradacac managed to defend itself from the Chetniks without help from outside, which is well known in the rest of Bosnia; hence he probably wants to say that the city is capable of defending itself from other evils, such as democracy.
In one of his last reports, Robert Frowick, OSCE chief for the elections in Bosnia-Hercegovina, warns about the intransigence of local power brokers in Capljina, Bugojno, Drvar, Sanski Most and Stolac ([Muslim-Croat] Federation territory), and in Doboj, Lopare, Teslic and Zvornik which belong to the Republic of Srpska. The American diplomat accuses the authorities in these municipalities of limiting the freedom of movement, return of refugees, freedom of media and freedom for political activity. Electronic media in the Republic of Srpska are engaged in ideological terrorism against their own population, promoting totalitarianism and discouraging dissent. "Today, more than ever, Karadzic is our leader," says one of the editors at the Srpska state controlled television. He continues: "Besides, all of us here are 'Karadzics'". Thus, he establishes the public measure for nationalism, below which no one running for power dares to go. If someone tries, there are those who will "bring him to his senses".
Ethnically divided, Bosnia is today rotting from inside. All those who desire to base life in Bosnia on national, religious and cultural divisions are taking part in this process, although they used to be full of talk about [tolerant and multi-cultural] Bosnia that all of us remember. How is it possible that ten centuries of Bosnian history were erased from their memory in such a short time?
Three ruling parties quietly agreed to push forward with the elections. Although there are significant differences among them, their ultimate goal is the same: to stay in power at any cost. Not only because of the attraction of power as such, but because staying in power delays the problem of responsibility of national leaders [for the war]. As long as that question is not raised by a sufficient number of their subjects, each one of the national leaders will live convinced that he and he only is the saviour of his own nation. Still, they will have to face their responsibility sooner or later. The question here is whether the people can hold out longer without bread or without nationalism. Anything is possible.
One shouldn't forget that the rise of Nazism started with organized incidents in German beer halls, schools and squares. Instead of Nazi bullies, the Police mistreated and persecuted their victims. The election campaign testifies that Bosnia is at the verge of taking the same course. Today, all three police forces in Bosnia are under control of corresponding political parties, because the state, as such, doesn't exist. Only naive and stupid can expect that in such circumstances police can be on the side of citizens. Therefore, Serb, Croat and Bosniak policemen mind their own business. They know very well that they will not be punished because they failed to protect the assaulted citizen of "other" nationality.
The Serb Democratic Party (SDS) has since its inception been set up as a terrorist organization, armed and prepared for a war of conquest. Threats, rapes, concentration camps and ethnic cleansing were the essence of its programme. The Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) has had all the characteristics of a militaristic organization since its founding. Although at first it didn't have a clear political programme later, during the war against the Bosniaks, it used the same methods as Karadzic. The practice of political assassination was made official after the murder of Blaz Kraljevic. The executions are allegedly the monopoly of the Mostar Mafia, controlled by Mladen Naletic Tuta. Sources from Mostar claim that during this summer Tuta twice tried to kill Jadranko Topic, well known former soccer player and one of the leaders of the HDZ in Mostar at the start of the war. Naturally, orders arrive from the "headquarters" in another state.
Unlike these two parties, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA) appeared on the political scene as a populist movement, lacking clear ideology, unless we take into account its rather strong religious character. However, squeezed between two fascistoid parties, with time it rejected democratic ideas as an unnecessary burden. If after the September elections there are no serious guarantees that Bosnia-Hercegovina will survive, SDA will probably more and more resemble SDS and HDZ. So far it is not clear whether the actual goal of the leading Bosniak party is the return of the lost territories or the renewal of the multi-ethnic society in Bosnia.
The paradox is that the opposition democratic parties are the strongest ally of SDA in its struggle to reintegrate Bosnia-Hercegovina; unfortunately SDA does not see them as compatible and this coalition is definitively a thing of the past. Instead, SDA signed a "fair-play agreement" with HDZ, according to which they "will allow each other to campaign in their respective territories". As this is a natural democratic right, this agreement cannot be taken as a sign of sudden embrace of democracy by the two parties.
Translated on 10/4/96