By SVETLANA DJURDJEVIC-LUKIC
Preoccupied by their own problems of everyday survival, the largely apathetic body of voters has almost forgotten the problem of Kosovo, except for those who are bound by family and property relations to the former "heart of Serbia". The remaining Serbs in Kosovo, exposed to murders and all kinds of abuse, are deeply divided into supporters of the regime, and supporters of the policies of Bishop Artemije and Momcilo Trajkovic (their relative numbers are unknown), and those who are "somewhere in between", like the Serbian National Council in Kosovska Mitrovica which is under the influence of the Democratic Party of Serbia, and Serbs in some other enclaves.
In all this confusion, the leaders of the Serbian opposition have bravely tackled the Kosovo problem, claiming that they have always offered a solution because the statehood issue is a prerequisite for the resolution of all other problems (Vojislav Kostunica); that Kosovo is "the most important question in Serbian politics" (Predrag Simic, advisor to Vuk Draskovic); "we need to see how much we can realistically do to help, both on the political plan and in terms of everyday life in Kosovo, especially considering the fact that an administration is being formed and the realization of some projects without the Serbs is beginning" (Ljiljana Lucic, a vice-president of the Democratic Party); that "the violation of human rights and the feeling of solidarity with approximately 200,000 refugees among us is upsetting to every citizen" (Dragoljub Micunovic); and that this is "a permanent and one of the most serious problems inside the group of questions already mentioned in the declaration resulting from the meeting of the opposition on January 10" (Zarko Korac).
The problem of Kosovo was seriously addressed at the last meeting of the opposition hosted by the Democratic Party of Serbia. "In my opinion, the forthcoming elections are the reason why this question must be placed on the agenda. The regime has to some extent circumvented the problem by announcing that the question will be resolved when KFOR leaves, but the representatives of UNMIK, despite the chaos which rules in the Province, are announcing a census and are really in a hurry to hold local elections, which is extremely dangerous," says the president of the Democratic Party of Serbia [Vojislav Kostunica].
More drastically than in other parts of Serbia, in Kosovo and Metohija democratic elections were never held. Recalling to what measure Kosovo was the source of mandates for the ruling Socialists, Ljiljana Lucic provides estimates that, on the average, the Socialists had an 18 percent advantage in mandates. "The numbers show the drastic extent of the manipulation: the number of voters in Kosovo in 1992 grew from 713,222 voters to an amazing 1,035,161; in some municipalities, there were increases of as much as 50 percent. For example in Djakovica in 1991, 1,700 Serbs were registered while in 1996 allegedly 30,577 people voted for the Socialist Party of Serbia-Yugoslav United Left-New Democracy coalition!"
"It's not clear to me what kind of position the ruling coalition will take with respect to elections for the Serbian parliament. They will probably leave Kosovo out of this, and try to make up for the loss of mandates by changing the rules of the game," forecasts Vojislav Kostunica.
Besides preparation for the census and Kosovo elections in a situation where borders are open toward Albania and Macedonia, which may allow for a significant increase in the number of actual residents of Albanian nationality in Kosovo, an even more urgent reason for an opposition attempt to adopt a common position, announced for next week, is the formation of the Temporary Administrative Council of Kosovo.
The representatives of the Serbs, namely, have been refusing to enter the Temporary Administrative Council, insisting instead on the cantonization of the Province, that is, on local self-government and the creation of a Serb Protection Corps. They have been offered only a Program for Co-existence, in fact, the establishment of local offices for Serbs in Kosmet which would have task groups for health, education, economic development, land registry and public services, humanitarian assistance, media, communication and transportation - without local police or judicial organs. Aware of the risks if they remain outside the new administration, which is taking shape, Bishop Artemije and Momcilo Trajkovic are actually seeking support for participation in the institutions created by Kouchner. A part of the opposition unofficially supports them in this, a part is undecided, while some parties are even opposed.
The official position of the Serb Renewal Movement and the Democratic Party for now is that the Serbs in Kosovo must decide themselves regarding this, while the Democratic Party of Serbia believes that those institutions should be boycotted until greater concessions are won, which is also the position of the Serbian National Council in Kosovska Mitrovica. "They must be careful not to end up representing only the multiethnic decor but also to avoid getting into the dangerous situation of refusing every form of cooperation with KFOR and UNMIK because they are the only ones who can protect them" says Dragoljub Micunovic, one of the leaders of the DAN coalition. "We don't have enough information and that is why we wanted to go there ourselves but for reasons which are incomprehensible to me Kouchner rejected this, stating that there was a security problem."
Predrag Simic, who participated in the creation of the Z-4 plan for the Krajina Serbs, says that the current situation reminds him of it, except that here the dilemma is even greater, of Hamlet-like proportion. "The opposition is also responsible for the fate of citizens in Kosovo, especially in a situation where one has the impression that a new round of conflict is beginning, and the Serb Renewal Movement will always help, in the manner begun by the Sofia declaration from the conference of experts and Serbs from Kosovo in the Institute for Peace."
Predrag Simic, a person with very good contacts in the West, is extremely consternated: "In some circles a monstrous Serbophobia still rules; it goes so far as to suggest that there are still too many Serbs in Kosovo. I have been openly told that the opposition should forget about Kosovo because it would be better for it if Kosovo became independent now, while Milosevic is still in power, than later, which is something that we simply cannot accept. Only the opposition still believes that Kosovo is a part of Serbia and Yugoslavia and we have had problems because of this at meetings in Berlin and Budva," he says.
Western diplomats and the Western public expect from the Serbs, especially from the opposition, before giving them more concrete assistance, to loudly and clearly condemn the crimes committed against Albanians, something which to date has been heard only from people such as Father Sava.
"There were crimes by everyone against everyone. By stripping Kosovo of its autonomy, Milosevic nullified the Albanians in the political sense, which was insane, equivalent to pretending that more than a million people do not exist. Then someone got the idea that they could physically vanish by being chased over Prokletije [mountain range on the border between Albania and Kosovo]. The fact is, however, when everything is taken into account, that Serbia has the greatest number of refugees, and that the territories which the West supposedly defended, Krajina and now Kosovo, are practically ethnically cleansed," says Kostunica, adding that a distinction must be made between what Serbs must and what they cannot accept.
Ljiljana Lucic also talks about the ethnically cleansed areas and advocates that the opposition make better use of the fact that Serbia is the only multiethnic region in this part of Europe. "We must act with less masochism because, in addition to Milosevic, in these ten years of crisis the international community was the main actor and it shares responsibility. The idea of 'denazification' of the whole Serbian people is scandalous and it is a position which in its intellectual source does not differ from the one about all Serbs living in one state."
Zarko Korac, however, emphasizes that painting UNMIK in KFOR only in black must stop because through these kinds of accusations, Milosevic's own responsibility wanes. "The opposition must have the courage to publicly state what is true, and Bishop Artemije has said that even the last Serb would have left already if UNMIK and KFOR were not there. A big part of the opposition is making a mistake by falling into a trap, exchanging cause and effect and competing in patriotic rhetoric with Milosevic."
The optimists say that the differences within the opposition regarding how the problem came about, who is responsible and what the reaction should be are great but that the expression and statement of differences represents the beginning of every constructive agreement. What all opposition parties agree on for now is that the greatest priority goes to the protection of all ethnic groups in Kosovo and opportunity for all refugees to return to their homes, and that the opposition should reach a consensus regarding delicate issues and then adhere only to the common platform.
Vojislav Kostunica wants to include in the minimal common platform for the next meeting of the opposition not only advocacy of physical security but also local self-government of the Serbs in Kosovo, the demand that refugees be allowed to return prior to elections, or that those who are now staying in Serbia be allowed to vote there in accordance with the model used in Bosnia.
"The priority of the opposition should be organizing the methods of cooperation of the parties with non-governmental organizations," explains Dusan Janjic. "The opposition with its limited resources in Kosovo cannot do much, and it has not been called upon by either the public in Serbia or by the United Nations to get involved; it should take on the responsibility only when it can have some influence. The timing is also wrong because Thaci, on the one hand, and Milosevic, on the other, by their confrontations with the international community have led to the discreditation of the mission and of Kouchner personally. The opposition supported Milosevic in 1998 and during the conflict with NATO with respect to resolving relations with the Albanians, thus demonstrating that it suffers from the same illnesses as he does. The cantonization project has failed, an international protectorate is the reality, as is the fact that the Serbs are a minority. If the creation of cantons is insisted upon, a new campaign by extremist Albanians will attempt to finish off the ethnic cleansing, there will be a new wave of Serb refugees, it will be too late to join the institutions that are being formed there and the opportunity to participate in the shaping of these institutions and in the elections will be lost; there will be conflicts with the UN and with the Americans who insist on multiculturalism and view everyone who utters the word 'canton' as a new Karadzic. Through its inept intervention the opposition will absolve Milosevic of the responsibility and provide material for a new anti-opposition propaganda campaign by the regime."
Janjic believes that the opportunity has been lost to form completely new non-governmental organizations in Kosovo, to support them and to have Serb legal experts included in the revision of the legislative system which is in process; this will have far-reaching consequences.