The first, Higher race, is in advance absolved of any responsibility for the destruction of the nation and state, and is programmed to destroy every personal or public freedom, including their own, by the despotism of the majority. The fierceness of participation in persecution, lack of mercy, blind loyalty and talent for executions will determine social, economic and security rating of every persecutor.
That's what happened in the first wave of populism; now, the roar of lynch rising from the Serb masses has become emaciated and weak; and as it weakens, tired of deceit, history, death, poverty and misery, the top begins a new cycle of violence, inciting, threatening, condemning individuals, complete social classes and whole professions.
The other, Lower species of Serbs, is divided in two subspecies. One of them, from the start in conflict with this version of Serb renaissance that has destroyed the state and the nation, is already tired of life in the midst of the "enemy" territory, resigned after numerous failed attempts to explain the essence of the authorities, which have taken all of us as hostages, to the nation, ashamed of its own mistakes, vanities, fights, mutual denunciations in front of foreigners, and amateurish wasting of all energies that threatened to slip out of strict party control (Panic, Depos, Zajedno). Unfortunately, it is sick with veteran fighter syndrome and prevents the formation of any crystal of the opposition mass which does not have the stamp of guardians of anti-Slobist gate of Serbia. Among them, many do not realize that the eventual replacement of the regime (if it ever happens, we are not Croats, let's not forget) will be the result of the weariness of Serbs with the production of history, rather than the exclusive success of the opposition's intellect.
The other subspecies, mostly composed from disappointed Slobists and followers of the Count of Karlobag, Ogulin and Vitrovitica, wants a quick change of authorities. Either because of fear that in the future chaotic times everything they have built so far will be endangered, regardless of how they gained their property; or because of fog in front of their eyes, which has disappeared one morning when they realized the current size of Serbia, who guards the monastery of Decani, what has happened with our people in tractors, where their children are, where their friends are, how we live and why our elders take flowers to the graves of their offspring instead of the other way round?
Therefore, for the first time, the unnatural coalition in power has been followed by the establishment of an unnatural coalition of the opposition. The ruling caste has been unified by the fear of loosing power which, for many of them, will be very uncomfortable. In their private stories they fortify their ranks by drawing a parallel between the loss of power and loss of freedom and, some of them say, life!? Such stories bring to the Serb ranks sadistic cruelty which makes the life in Serbia very dangerous. Since the departure of Germans [after WWII] such political vocabulary has not been used in this region; this is not simple maneuvering but a herald of gloom.
However, all of that still does not have the real form of Stalinism: there are staged trials, there are unsolved assassinations, there is a dictatorship with respect to the media, there is jamming of TV signals and theft of transmission equipment, there are daily public executions in the instruments of state propaganda, there is the fear of the Boss, there are mass movements of population, there is the omnipotent secret police, but we still lack Siberia, Russian as the official language, Smirnoff vodka as a sponsor of our national basketball team and some big headed general leading Russia instead of Putin. If we had something like that today, tomorrow you would wake up in Serbia where only the Cyrillic alphabet would remind you of the country that has never in the past been blind and mindless and that always knew how to choose its leaders, its own way, friends and side of the world.
Therefore, the fear of Slobists is in practice at its worst, and it will reach climax in a campaign of fake return to Kosovo at the start of the summer. The motives are clear: a foreign army is encamped three hours drive from Belgrade and the fact that Kosovo is a forbidden country for the official Serbia cannot be hidden any more. Secondly, Milosevic is now aware that he has overdone his repression since the fear of demise has united the Serbian opposition to the point that none of them dares to cooperate with the regime any more. Although, honestly, I still have a deficit of trust in the character of certain opposition leaders. However, if they bear the pressure together for three months, that will be the sign that they have learned their lessons.
Third, none of the slogans which used to bring hundreds of thousands of people to rallies organized by the Socialists, none of Radical vows about the return of Serb lands, no communist promises about better future, have any strength or attraction left. There is nothing left! The regime is spinning in the circle of its supporters, who are its supporters because of linked fates, careers, property or are Serbs who believe in any Messiah, prophet Zorka, or the third eye. According to the polls conducted by Slobists themselves, such people constitute about 35 percent of voters. The regime is trying to make up the deficit with respect to 50 percent, with fear and practical examples about the difference in longevity of its supporters and the rest. However, the fear of the Croatian syndrome, the fact that our neighbors gave up the party which was a last will of the man who after a thousand years again made Croatia, since in that Croatia they did not live as well as they had expected to, is prompting Slobists to, in my opinion, avoid even remotely fair elections at all cost. No one can guarantee what Serbs would do alone next to a ballot box.
If I am not completely clear, here is a definition: there will be no elections unless the victory of Slobists is secured in advance; if in spite of that they loose the elections, the results will not be recognized and the opposition will be arrested and tried for theft, subversive activities, treason, and selling out to the foreigners. The first rehearsals of both dramas will be held in February; a newspaper will be shut down, an editor-in-chief will be sent to prison, a leader of a large opposition party will be tried, and a well-known individual will have to hit the bucket in order to quell the stories about the organizers of the assassinations on the leaders of the Serb Renewal Movement and Arkan. All that is needed since propaganda in itself is not sufficient to prolong this system and some terror cannot be harmful.
The nervousness of the regime is increased by the increasingly obvious lack of money. All large scale private business has stopped; the state is working only for itself and only within its own circles, at the same time talking about the market, which gives hives to serious economists. The long term negative selection of cadres is beginning to work against the regime; charlatans and mentally limited people, whose lack of creativity and intelligence is the best guarantee for their blind loyalty, are not capable of completing a single serious task. Everything that the regime has for years persistently denied surfaced in the police statement regarding Arkan's murder: Police colonels themselves claim that in Belgrade there are criminals who have their business networks, gangs, body guards and that they are covered by former and recent policemen who also do dirty jobs for them!? What is that about? Haven't they been trying to convince Serbs for ten years that under their rule there is no organized crime, that it is not connected with the state, that there is no corruption in the Police and that there are no links between the gray zone and the political leadership?
What can the opposition do in such a situation? Above all, it has to find cracks in the ruling coalition. The Warrior of Karlobag phoned Slobo a few days ago and informed him that he was about to stop cooperating with him because of the lack of coverage of the congress of the Serb Radical Party on the state-controlled TV. That caused all sorts of, although temporary, commotion on the Radio Television Serbia; the next day a full recording of the congress was broadcast; then, the chief of Radicals walked for hours with his guests from Russia through all news programs. Such demonstration of force only shows that today Slobo needs Seselj more than Seselj need Slobo and that under some conditions the evil genius might betray his colleague.
The opposition is making a mistake in the timing of a partial removal of sanctions, if it has the power to bring that about at all. If they do that before they come to an agreement about acceptable conditions for elections, and there will be no such an agreement, Slobists will represent everything coming from abroad as the result of their strength and as a capitulation of the West. And if some silly and irrelevant sanctions are removed just before the elections, although I would personally prefer a suspension of anything as soon as today, that will be seen as an achievement of the opposition. However, as the time goes on, the number of contacts with the West should decrease.
The next battle will be for the preservation of the remaining independent media in Serbia, for the common control of Studio B, and a common electoral strategy which cannot be formulated by the ridiculous media team of the Changeable Alliance but must be defined by the common team of all opposition experts. The winning formula is: take parliaments away from Slobo and then decide what to do with him next year when his mandate expires.
However, the most important question remains: what will the Other Serbia do if fair electoral conditions are not accepted and the regime calls for an election? What should it do if it wins an election and Slobists do not recognize results? What will they do in case of trials, bans, arrests of opposition leaders, journalists, or even opposition activists who are not members of political parties? Who will be Gandhi? Facing a choice, Gandhi or Karadjordje [leader of the first Serb uprising against the Ottoman empire in 1804], the Serbian opposition must for the first time ever, demonstrate both its strength and intellect. I do not know why so far they always displayed these qualities separately.