"I think that it is necessary, after everything that has burdened the relations between Serbia and Montenegro during this century, to clear up that baggage and I am the biggest advocate of such a clarification that you can find. If a majority of population in both federal units supports a common state then that state should be set up in a manner that would be acceptable for both Serbia and Montenegro, and in that state the rights and equality of citizens as individuals as well as Serbia and Montenegro as federal units should be respected."
Further Kostunica mentions that the state would have to be organized "in a way that would actually make it a loose confederation of separate states".
KOSTUNICA: In 1993 when the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) made a declaration together with the Popular Party (NS) of Montenegro, I was more inclined to seek the organization of the common state of Serbia and Montenegro in some classical types of federal organization. Today, it is completely clear to me that something like that is not possible since I absolutely believe in clear accounts. I believe that it should be seen what the situation is in both federal units. Let me immediately add that I do not insist on a referendum in both Serbia and Montenegro. For me it would be completely acceptable if Montenegro tomorrow held a referendum and decided against a common state. Therefore, if a majority in Montenegro opted against a common state, the will of that majority would be the same as law as far as I was concerned and that will would have to be respected. But I cannot respect something that is outside of all legal procedure. Therefore, I cannot respect a story about independence that is not based on some expression of the popular will. There were mistakes in the past, reckless political moves on all sides, but at some point we have to draw a line and simply test the will of the people in both Serbia and Montenegro. That would have to be based on some sort of a democratic test. I would call what I advocate a greater democratic project, and definitely not a greater Serbian project.
MONITOR: That is a huge policy reversal. You mentioned 1993 and your cooperation with the Popular Party. At that time you, as a leader of an opposition party in Serbia, criticized Milosevic's regime from an extreme nationalist position. Are your view different today?
I never criticized Milosevic's regime from extreme nationalist positions, since I do not think that Milosevic has had any sort of a national policy. He simply had a policy that was harmful for our national interests. Therefore my criticism was based on normal, democratic and national views. Milosevic never looked after our national interests. Milosevic is not even a nationalist. Whatever you may think, he merely used nationalism as a tool to win power. Therefore, he used the national question, nothing more.
On the other hand, regarding my policy reversal, since you've already mentioned that, my views haven't changed. You can follow my views in the state-controlled media in Montenegro; a referendum in both states. If a majority is for the common state, then a new constitution; if a majority is against a common state, then two independent states. There has been no turnaround, even in comparison with the statements from 1993. The Declaration published together with the Popular Party also mentions a referendum.
Your adviser for economics, Mladjan Dinkic, has stated for Monitor that you will run an election campaign in Montenegro, and that many supporters of the Socialist People's Party (SNP) [pro-Milosevic Montnegrin party, second largest in Montenegro] will vote for you. He also stated that the Serbian opposition will after your victory begin negotiations with the SNP.
I am hearing this for the first time. First let me immediately emphasize that I adamantly opposed proposals to run candidates of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia in Montenegro, for the federal parliament. My attitude was that Montenegrins have divided along the party lines. Montenegrin parties have their roots. Bulatovic's and Djukanovic's roots are somewhat deeper and enmeshed somewhere deep below the surface. They share the same roots. Somewhere deep below the surface they are also intertwined with the roots of Slobodan Milosevic. Simply, all of them share the same ideological and political pedigree.
However, a split has taken place. Montenegro has two political blocks. I think that it would be highly inadvisable and politically unwise for someone from Serbia to get involved into relations between Montenegrins. Thus, I was adamantly against meddling and running our candidates in the elections in Montenegro.
The situation with the presidential elections is different. Simply because, whether you liked it or not, the situation is the same in the whole country. It seems likely to me that among the voters of both political blocks, both Djukanovic's and Bulatovic's, there will be people who are against Milosevic's policy but support a commonwealth of Serbia and Montenegro, not at all costs but after a referendum. I thought that a lot of people of that sort were likely to be found among Djukanovic's supporters and perhaps even more among Bulatovic's supporters. Bulatovic's supporters support a common state, but perhaps not all of them support Milosevic. That does not imply any manner of political cooperation with the SNP, but emphasizes that voters are not slaves of the parties they support.
You are a candidate for the federal president. If the ruling coalition in Montenegro does not run in these elections, you, according to the interpretation of the current political moment, are radically different from that coalition. In that case, who will be your political partner in Montenegro?
Well, there are no partners. Individuals run in presidential elections. You have a coalition that will have candidates for the Federal parliament and which has Slobodan Milosevic as its presidential candidate. If someone in Montenegro believes that the Federation does not exist any more then he or she should explicitly show that, in words, with a rebellion or by calling a referendum. So far I haven't seen that type of reply from Montenegro. The problem of Montenegro at this moment is that its position is very unclear. I am talking about the position of the authorities in Montenegro. Our, my position is absolutely clear, and my conscience is clear both before God and people. I offer a democratic solution. On the other hand, Montenegro has been for a while now questioning the federal state that still exists. Let us not fool ourselves, judging by the messages coming from the West the federation exists for the West as well.
Perhaps such a shaky state is more to the liking of the Western states. Perhaps they support Djukanovic, as a factor of instability in such a state. But whatever the case, it still exists as far as they are concerned. Really, it is a paradox of sorts, but a state which is not recognized in international relations still exists as some sort of a union of Serbia and Montenegro. Therefore if something exists for the people outside, then Montenegro must take a stand on that issue. If it does not want to participate in the federal elections, than there is a referendum. If it does not want both the federal elections and a referendum, than there is something third, a rebellion, uprising, or whatever. But the worst thing in the whole situation is total uncertainty, a very unclear attitude coming from Montenegro.
For me all solutions are acceptable, but I am afraid that the problem is that Montenegro cannot figure out what it wants, or that Milo Djukanovic does not know what he wants. One cannot say whether he supports a federal state or not. He does not have to support a common state, but then he should have balls to sort this issue out. A referendum. Is anyone in Serbia against a referendum on independence in Montenegro? No, at least not in the ranks of the Democratic Opposition of Serbia. I am not stating here only my own attitude, but the attitude of other parties members of the DOS. No one would oppose that.
I would like to ask you to comment on your statement given a while ago when it was not certain whether there were to be elections at all. You said that you would not participate in the federal elections if the DPS [Djukanovic's party] did not run in them?
I said then that my condition for running in the elections was the formation of a widely based coalition against Milosevic and his regime in Serbia and Montenegro. I saw the Serb Renewal Movement in Serbia and the DPS and the Popular Party in Montenegro as parts of that coalition. Of course, we were later surprised by the decision of the DPS, which at first seemed somewhat less firm. At first they said that they might consider participation in the elections, then it turned out that they were going to boycott them. Therefore, our contest of these elections under extremely unfavorable conditions is the matter of a dilemma between further tensions and attempts to peacefully, therefore through elections rather in a direct conflict or a civil war, test our strength against Milosevic. Of course that election battle would have been easier if the SPO, DPS and the NS were with us.
I suppose that there is no need to mention what that would mean in figures. However, this is another present by Milo Djukanovic to Slobodan Milosevic. Just as in 1997 the DPS representatives voted for Milosevic in the Federal Parliament, they will again, by staying and lacking courage to leave the common state, present Milosevic with no less than 50 seats out of 178 in the Federal Parliament.
We considered carefully all of that and concluded that in the given situation we should nevertheless contest the elections, and that the damage due to participation in the elections was smaller than the harm due to a boycott. That was our decision and in a way it is a conscious sacrifice on our part. We enter these elections with knowledge that 50 seats are lost from the start, that there will be a lot of trouble with electoral fraud and manipulation of Kosovo seats and that is very hard. But we had no other choice. I am afraid that something that presents itself as a democratic Montenegro is secretly and tacitly supporting Milosevic in these elections. Objectively, that part of Montenegro, which refers to itself as democratic, is assisting Milosevic rather than the Democratic Opposition of Serbia.
What makes you interpret the boycott of the Federal elections by the ruling coalition in Montenegro as a fear from elections rather than a protest against Milosevic's regime and constitutional changes?
I would interpret that as protest if the authorities in Montenegro made one more move, for which they obviously at the moment cannot find enough courage, and called a referendum on independence. There are certain situation in which it is necessary to act manly and to draw a line, and that is especially true for Montenegro [a very traditional, patriarchal society]. Therefore, if the Montenegrin authorities summoned enough courage to call a referendum then I would see that as a consistent protest.
You know, we have to test the support of the people for this state. Serbia and Montenegro used to be two separate states. At that time they had good relations and their conflicts started in the first Yugoslavia after 1918 and continued in the second [SFRY] and this, the third [FRY]. Therefore, there were these conflicts and there is no other way, exactly because there was so much lack of understanding, faking of all sorts of things, and going back, but to reexamine the relations between Serbia and Montenegro and turn towards the future. That obsession with the past, even as many as ten centuries in the past, and arguments about who was what at that time and who occupied what a thousand years ago, are absolutely foolish and make no sense. Instead of wasting time on historical events, churches, academies, and all the other stuff, would it not be much simpler and better to allow the people to express their opinion in a referendum?
If the people are against a common state, we shall respect their will. But if they are for a common state then the existence of a Slobodan Milosevic is not enough to break up that state. Every state has had an authoritarian episode and that cannot be a reason for its break-up. It should rather be a reason to make it better. However, we here, under worries we have, cannot burden ourselves with something that is above all a Montenegrin dilemma. The platform for the redefinition of relations [between Serbia and Montenegro] is also not mentioned at this moment. It was mentioned in the past and there was talk about a need for dialog and about possible modes for the definition of relations in a common state, if there are any. Today, there is no talk about that, a possibility of talks and dialog is excluded. Now all of that is out of question. All of that under a question mark, now that the elections are on. Then, I say, what is the problem with a referendum? What is the issue there? If you are afraid of elections, why are you afraid of a referendum?