by Dusan BOJCEV
The Greater Albanian idea, repackaged in different discourse, has historical roots. It is not a secret that from time to time and rather persistently, Albanians insist on accusing certain European powers of, allegedly, in 1912 "preventing the just solution of the Albanian national question by making sure that the Albanian state established in 1912 did not encompass all the Albanian ethnic territories". It is not in doubt that the Greater Albanian idea has been nurtured for decades, especially during WWII and in the dark period of Enver Hoxha's rigid communism. It is also not a secret that the break-up of the former Yugoslavia gave a decisive impetus for the strengthening of the Greater Albanian demands, based on the agreement achieved at the all-Albanian meeting (in Kruja) of all Albanian leaders at that time regarding the achievement of the Albanian interests and goals after the break up of the former Yugoslavia.
It is not at all strange that the Albanian nationalism grew stronger during the period of torture by Milosevic's regime in Kosovo, as a corresponding reaction to the extreme appearance of the Serb nationalism. It is even less surprising that the flame of Albanian nationalism was fanned by the NATO intervention against Milosevic's regime. It is a big deal when the only remaining world power (USA) and the most powerful military alliance (NATO) take under their wing as allies Kosovo Albanians. And the appetite of Albanian leaders has grown immeasurably since that moment of all-Albanian triumph. To the point of getting out of control. And crossing the so-called red line. And that should not be surprising. Exactly extreme nationalism is a dangerous form of political blindness which leads to bad judgment, illusions, and consequently mistaken actions. With damning consequences. For others and for themselves.
And if one could to a certain extent understand and explain western tolerance of certain activities of the so-called Liberation Army in the security zone in the south of Serbia (as the means for exerting additional pressure on the new authorities in Belgrade with the goal of forcing them to extradite Milosevic to the Hague Tribunal, and other reasons), the export of war to Macedonia is a completely different issue. This is an open grab for the territory of another state, and the obvious attempt to change (with the use of force) internationally recognized borders, the only principle that has not been brought into question during numerous wars in the Balkans. Macedonia as a state, if it wants to survive, has no other choice but to decisively protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity using all the available means. Even in the case the so-called Albanian political factor opposes that attitude, and even at the cost of the breakup of the current ruling coalition. Is it a fish or a bicycle? (By the way, in this context, we should mention already known but recently again current, collectivist and anti-democratic offer by Xhaferi and Menduh Thaci for the so-called historical agreement between "legitimate representatives of ethnic Albanians and Macedonian authorities"; the senselessness of this offer is obvious if one recalls that the party led by these gentlemen is a part of all segments of Macedonian authorities; unless that is an announcement of their preparations for extra-institutional activities!). The serious nature of the question does not tolerate camouflage and rotten compromise. A part of Macedonian state territory has been occupied. And the use of violence and terrorism has already endangered elementary human rights in the country and the very basis for mutual relations between citizens, not only inter-ethnic relations.
It is still not too late. Albanian leaders can still reexamine their judgments, intentions and expectations. Two different expansionist nationalist concepts, the Greater Croatian and Greater Serbian concepts, were defeated in a series of bloody wars in the past years. In an uncompromising manner, with international assistance and guidance. However, above all, in own national environments. There is no doubt that the same, better early than late, fate awaits the Greater Albanian nationalism. Even though that process can be extremely difficult and with victims. There is no other way. Based on a simple reason that extreme nationalism is an anachronistic trend in Europe. And struggle against one's own nationalism is the best indicator of the democratic maturity of every state and every nation.
As in the past, today the role of the western democratic world in this struggle is extremely important and decisive. It is especially important that the situation should not get out of control. Since the so-called post-war syndrome is already at work in Kosovo, the syndrome that in the past was demonstrated in Vietnam's military intervention in Cambodia and in Iraq's military intervention in Kuwait. Namely, in Kosovo there is a significant social class of young men who do not know how to do anything apart from causing conflict and waging a war. Just as in Vietnam and Iraq, after ten-years-long Vietnamese and Iraq-Iran wars, respectively. Additionally, that class in Kosovo exclusively feeds on criminal activities.
In any case the capacity and skill of the Macedonian political leadership needed to deal with the extremely difficult task of control of extreme Albanian nationalism is not insignificant. The time for individual action is behind us. From the very beginning of the terrorist attacks there was unanimous international support for the protection of the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Macedonia. Equally key and irreplaceable was the role of western democracies and their military and political structures, both due to the serious nature of the problem and potential risks, and the available means and mechanisms for control and steering of the developments. Finally, it should not be allowed that the situation get out of control and in any way bring into question the implementation of the difficult mission of the peacekeeping troops in Kosovo, and especially their personal safety.
Up until a few months ago, from the mouth of big nationalist Milosevic poured numerous and unstoppable statements in support of peace, democracy, justice, law, prosperity... His own actions consistently and strongly countered his verbal exhibitionism. Is this Milosevic's syndrome to be repeated by the Albanian leaders, those from Albania and those of ethnic Albanians in neighboring states? Unfortunately, there is a lot of evidence to that effect. There are numerous practical political actions that do not correspond to their statements. Even when they call for some multiethnic model based on European standards, although in Europe there is only one functional model, the civic model. Or when they timidly release a forced condemnation, due to unequivocal stand of the whole international community, of "violence of dissatisfied locals", supposedly prompted by alleged lack of rights. Or when... However, I would like to believe that the most recent statement by the Albanian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Paskal Milo is the first signal of changes in the same direction. Even though exactly Minister Milo was one of senior Albanian officials in whose presence, during the recent IFRI talk in Paris, a map of the so-called Albanian ethnic territories was publicly displayed.
And the great man Thomas Mann said the following: war is nothing but a cowardly flight from the problems of peace. I would like to add: every sort of violence is cowardly flight from the problems of democracy and peace.
(The author is a professional diplomat)