by Safeta BISEVAC
DANAS: Individuals from the G17 leadership accuse the DOS of being too slow in implementation of reforms and of failing to fulfill the promises given to the citizens. What are the guarantees that the program of the Serbian state government recently publicized by the DOS will be implemented more quickly?
DINDIC: I think that those who say things like that should know what they are talking about. I would expect from the people who pretend to be experts or really are experts to introduce a minimum of professional criteria in their political assessments. They should not forget that the vice-president of the Federal Government, which is not in the position to implement reforms, is an expert of G17 plus, and not a DOS nominee. When someone says that not even the privatization procedure, nor the writing of a new privatization law has been initiated, it is expected that he has elementary knowledge regarding which institution is supposed to adopt such a law and what is the current situation in that institution. Those who complain that a law hasn't been adopted by the Serbian state assembly, which was disbanded before the forthcoming elections, should get some information before opening their mouths. A lot is being said about the fight against crime. There are claims that criminals are walking around free while the DOS promised to fight crime. Who can suppress crime? The Federal Police, with 100 employees, or the Serbian police, where Rade Markovic is in charge, and where there haven't been any changes because of the blockade of the work of the transitional government? I would be very happy if the experts maintained their credibility by paying more attention to the promises they are making to the people. Illusions that are being spread, about all sorts of things that can be done with billions of dollars arriving from all sides are raising the expectations so that the citizens will be dissatisfied with any progress, as they will demand milk and honey, which, as some experts have promised, will flow.
The reconstruction of the economy and suppression of poverty are the basis of the presented program of the Serbian DOS government. How do you intend to implement that having in mind the huge lag of Serbia with respect to the rest of Europe?
At this moment average [monthly] salary is DM70-80 and I think that by the end of the next year we can double it and that is our promise to the voters. If we fail in that, that means that we are not capable. Our basic assumption is that better management and control can keep a significant portion of the financial resources that used to flow to the private pockets within the economy and thereby improve the living standard independently of the donations from abroad. We claim that foreign donations and investments will only have the full effect if they encounter a prepared management and control and civil service structure in Serbia. A hundred days is the period in which some of these changes will have to become apparent.
Since it is claimed that almost everything has been agreed, when will you present the new government? Is Gradimir Nalic going to be the Minister of Internal Affairs [Police]?
He is one of the proposed candidates. That is a serious proposal and we shall discuss it some more. Gradually we are forming the part of the government that will not have a political profile, and it is my idea that in that part our young professionals who have made successful careers abroad, have management experience, know the world economy and were active mostly in the eastern European markets in the field of energy production, industry and finances, should dominate in that part.
Why would they come to work here for $100 a month, if they have such successful careers abroad?
It is my obligation to explain to them that participation in the setting of foundations of a new and different Serbia is a historical chance, the task that leads directly to history and is beyond any financial compensation. In practice we are doing a favor to them by giving them a chance to apply their knowledge and thus remain remembered in the history of this country just like our young experts who in mid Nineteenth century came from Vienna, Budapest, and Prague to set up the university, judiciary, and health service. They were remembered as the founders of the modern Serbian state. This, now, is a similar project. Now, just like after the liberation from the Ottoman Empire, we are standing on the ruins and those who set up the foundations will be remembered. It is a great challenge and honor to participate in that.
In you program you advocate the decentralization of Serbia and "true autonomy" for Vojvodina. Why do some accuse you of destroying Serbia, following the instructions from the West, while some political parties supporting autonomy claim that you do not care for the autonomy but for votes from Vojvodina?
Those who see in autonomy a symbol of statehood and status, do not have my support. Autonomy is a practical matter and has to do with the freedom to control that what belongs to you and to decide about your immediate surroundings. If one does not give true responsibility to people, they will not be motivated to do anything. In order to motivate people and move them to do something, to achieve something, you must give them rights and authority. That is a recipe that has succeeded in Europe and those who criticize us prefer the recipe of the oriental despotate. Like schizophrenics, they believed that it was possible to turn Serbia into Switzerland by using Saddam Hussein's policies.
The DOS still advocates a single state, although public opinion polls and statements of Montenegrin politicians indicate that a majority there supports independence.
Statements prove such views, but they are not confirmed by public opinion polls. I claim with certainty that every public opinion poll showing preference for this or that option is biased. I do not see a two-thirds support for any option.
Why a two-thirds majority?
If you want to make an independent state with a support of 51 percent of its citizens, then you have to count that 49 percent will be against and that is not a recipe for a prosperous state. Even the survival of such a state would be questionable. Therefore, in the interest of stability, it would be necessary that 60-65 percent of citizens of Montenegro support one option. Whatever they decide, we in Serbia will accept that. Any further complication of the relations is not in our interest, as the tensions between Serbia and Montenegro and within the two states would discourage potential investors.
When will the referendum in Serbia be called?
Never, as far as I am concerned. We shall see the result of the referendum in Montenegro and position our policy based on that. In case that a majority of citizens in Montenegro support a common state, it would be unhelpful to call a referendum in Serbia and risk that a majority in Serbia is against a common state. If a majority in Montenegro is against a common state, again it would be unhelpful to call a referendum here. I think that fortunately Serbia is in the position to be able to accept without concern either option. I discussed with Mr. Dukanovic the potential scenario that could arise after a possible unilateral decision about the independence and lead to the destabilization of the region. If Yugoslavia ceased to exist, Kosovo would also hold an independence referendum, which would in turn start a chain reaction of crises.
Let the Montenegrin leadership decide whether they can take upon themselves the responsibility for being a detonator of a new crisis. We in the DOS believe that the least bad solution is to transform the new state on the fly so that each side can satisfy through that transformation its real, rather than symbolic, interests. An anthem, a flag, a seat in the UN, these are all symbols. Practical matters and jurisdiction are much more important. At the level of real interests politicians in Serbia are very tolerant and prepared for compromise.
After the conclusion of the election for the Serbian parliament and sorting out of the political scene in Serbia, many expect a political showdown between you and the president of FR Yugoslavia, Vojislav Kostunica?
There is no reason for that. Our authority and interests lie in different levels. My interest is above all in the organization of the economy and the society, modernization of the institutions. State and foreign policy do not interest me a lot. I was forced to participate in foreign policy because a year ago there was no official foreign policy and I had to travel abroad to try to neutralize consequences of Milosevic's policies. Now the institutions exist and my ambitions and way of work are more suitable for internal policy and attempts to reform the society. Kostunica and I do not even share an area of interest where we could clash.
However, many expect that the DOS will break up after the establishment of the Serbian state authorities and that new elections for the Serbian parliament will be held next year, but this time the members of the coalition will participate on their own, rather than together in a coalition. How do you expect the Democratic Party to fare in that election? Before the elections in September your party was the strongest party in the DOS. However, now the Democratic Party of Serbia is by far the most popular?
There are different elements of image and popularity and different elements that make up the strength of an organization. In the present transitional period, image is important, and the role of emotions and symbols is crucial. However, in my opinion, in the future the results and efficiency of an organization will be far more important. After December 23, people will expect from politicians and parties results in the sense of real strength to resolve conflict of interest, and to define solutions for local problems. Because of that I have no fear, as the Ds is absolutely the strongest party. It has been developed for 10 years as an organization capable of solving problems, rather than an organization whose goal is to be popular.
How will the DOS resolve relations with the president of Serbia, Milan Milutinovic, once it comes to power in Serbia? Will you try to immediately replace him, will you wait for the next election, bring the royal family back...?
We'll think about that later. Let us first win the Serbian election. As far as the royal family is concerned, the people should decide about that. But that question is not a priority right now. The most important thing is to win in the Serbian state elections, form a government, initiate reforms. There will be time for the rest.
Until the judiciary in Serbia is established. Therefore, February, March, April. As soon as the prosecutor's office and the judiciary are reestablished, we shall have the normal Serbia that we are fighting for. In that Serbia honest people will sleep peacefully and thieves will be afraid.
Therefore, Milosevic will be tried in Belgrade rather than in the Hague?
Courts, not the government, will decide about that. I've seen so many indications for an investigation in the newspapers that I would be surprised if one were not initiated.