The exchanges of prisoners and prices are negotiated by "Serb lawyers and families of Albanian prisoners". The prices for liberation of Albanians held in prisons in Serbia go, according to Williamson, from DM 3,000 to DM 75,000. Williamson also added that "Serb lawyers and families of Albanian prisoners agree about the price for liberation during their first meeting at the border crossing". The amount is most frequently "paid immediately, and sometimes DM 10,000 is paid initially, and the rest after the return of the Albanian prisoner to Kosovo".
Williamson stated that in March 142 Kosovo Albanians were freed in this manner, in April 145, and 15 since the beginning of May. He however, could not provide any specific data about the releases of Serbs since, as he put it, KFOR "does not have data because of the lack of dialogue with Belgrade".
by Aleksandar Arsenijevic
Danas: It could have been heard recently that the northern part of Kosovo is under direct influence of the regime in Belgrade and that the SNV is directly implementing the policies of the official Belgrade, which in practice, at least as far as Kosovo is concerned, have turned out to be wrong.
Ivanovic: Those and similar statements coming from Bishop Artemije and [Fr.] Sava Janjic are inflicting direct damage and that is the goal of these statements. However, those who really represent a relevant factor in Kosovo will never make such statements. Once upon time General Wesley Clark used to make such statements, but after a meeting with us from the SNV he completely changed his views. Not a single high representative of the International Community, and we have had opportunities to meet and talk to many of them, has ever made a similar statement. It is a tragedy that such allegations are made by our people. Belgrade has no influence on the northern part of Kosovo. Our only link with Belgrade is that people employed in public companies, health care services and education are receiving their salaries from Serbia, but that is at the same time the legal obligation of the Republic of Serbia with respect to them. Therefore, the SNV is in no way a tool or an outpost of Milosevic's regime, as some are prepared to claim.
To what extent can divisions between the Serbs who remain in Kosovo influence their future fate?
At the moment no significant damage has been done, since the group around Bishop Artemije not only does not have the support of Serbs in Kosovo, but it even lacks support of Serbs in Gracanica. The SNV has openly condemned everything the group in Gracanica is doing. We have support, not only in Kosovska Mitrovica, but also in Gracanica, Kosovo Polje and Lapje Selo. In other words, we have established national unity outside Kosovska Mitrovica as well.
What characterizes that unity?
Above all we have a common attitude with respect to the entry of Serb representatives in the Interim Administrative Council of Kosovo, census and elections. Bishop Artemije and Momcilo Trajkovic failed to gather around themselves people and therefore do not have the moral right to speak on behalf of Kosovo Serbs.
Nevertheless, it seems that Bishop's views enjoy support of the International Community?
The fact that Bishop Artemije is protected by KFOR soldiers in Gracanica speaks for itself. The group from Gracanica refuses to admit that the International Community, KFOR and UNMiK, are exactly the most responsible for the present situation in Kosovo. The difference between us is that we enjoy the support of the people. It is undeniable that Serbs in Kosovo do not trust Bernard Kouchner or KFOR. Entry into the Interim Council has not brought any results so far, while on the other hand has brought into question further survival of Serbs in Kosovo as well as the return of expelled population.
Many analysts are convinced that the normalization of relations in Kosovo is impossible without participation of the International Community and that policy of isolation can only lead to further worsening of the position of Serbs in Kosovo.
In practice, so far, we have seen that only the SNV has the real strength to connect the Serb population in Kosovo with UNMiK, KFOR and potentially with the Serbian authorities. I say potentially, since our contacts with representatives of Belgrade have been decreasing. In such a situation, the SNV has turned out to be an unavoidable factor, although many are maliciously trying to deny that.
It is undeniable that at the time the Serbian regime enjoyed significant support exactly in Kosovo, thanks to nationalism adopted by Slobodan Milosevic. With benefit of hindsight, what is your opinion of these events?
It is now absolutely clear that euphoria created by nationalist populism, at the end of the eighties and in the early nineties, was not used appropriately. National homogenization, which realistically represented a huge strength, was used inappropriately. It is true that after everything that has happened to the Serb people, it is now much more difficult to motivate people and it is hard to predict when the Serb people will again have a similar chance to finally resolve its national question.
Some opposition parties equally insist on national issues. Many expect that the Serbian opposition will lead to a new national homogenization. What do you think?
The fact that after so many years the opposition is still disunited speaks for itself. In Kosovo, the opposition has no need to unify Serbs; rather, it could be asserted that the formation of several political parties in Kosovo has led to divisions among the people. We observe the attempt at founding of the Serb National Parliament in Kosovo from that point of view. At this moment we do not need something like that. Our goal is to develop an all-Serb movement in Kosovo that would include all relevant political factors, except for extremist political parties, whose activities are unacceptable both for us and the International Community. That would be a good move. However, certain individuals in the SNV have recognized in this proposal a possibility for a loss of their political positions and formed as a counterweight the Serb National Parliament, that has gathered around itself already spent political cadres...
According to you, which are extremist political parties?
Above all I am referring to extreme-nationalist parties, which portray themselves as pro-Chetnik, advocating a totally anachronistic political option based on ideological and national intolerance.
Would you like to comment on incessant attacks of the current Serbian regime on the opposition political parties, including assertions that the opposition supporters are traitors and foreign hirelings?
I do not like such assertions. Once and for all we must openly admit that divisions on patriots and traitors, Chetniks and Partisans, have inflicted more damage on the Serb people than its traditional enemies. It would have been much more productive for the people if during all these years we had constructive discussions about programs, ideas and methods for their implementation, rather than insisting on divisions.
Does the SNV harbor ambitions to become a relevant political factor, perhaps even a political party, in Kosovo?
Whether some are willing to admit that or not, we already are a relevant political factor, thanks to the fact that we successfully represent as many as 60,000 people. However, naturally, we cannot represent Serbs in all parts of Kosovo. Nevertheless, thanks to the fact that our opinions are similar to those of most political parties active in Kosovo, we have managed to unite Serbs in this region.
Your decision not to participate at the first meeting of the Committee for the Return of Refugees to Kosovo has provoked many comments in the public?
By joining such a body, we would tacitly give credibility to the civic group. On the other hand I believe that the refugees currently living all over Serbia would not gain anything in practice from that. In the SNV we decided that the Organizational Council for the Return of Serbs, which works within the SNV, hold a meeting to which Bernard Kouchner and other representatives of international organizations in Kosovo will be invited.
What specifically is envisaged by the SNV's plan for the return of Serbs to Kosovo that has recently been discussed quite a lot in the public?
The plan proposed by us is more than six months old and it specifies locations to which Serbs could return. Our basic goal is to, by September 15 2000, return between 6,000 and 7,000 refugees to the villages of the Osojane valley and the Klina municipality. However, these people must be very well organized before their return, in order to be capable of protecting themselves. Otherwise, their return would not be realistic. If we fail with this plan, which will be presented to the representatives of the International Community, than we shall leave it to UNMiK to find a solution. We can certainly provide conditions for the return of Serbs to the northern Kosovska Mitrovica, but that is out last trump card, since we are in control there and do not need anyone's approval for something like that. On the other hand we are trying as hard as we can to strengthen the position of the SNV and extend our influence to the central part of Kosovo.
Do you think that in some foreseeable future common life of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo will be possible? Can Kosovska Mitrovica continue to exist as a divided city?
For now there are absolutely no preconditions for a common life with Albanians. A lot of time will have to pass to forget everything that has happened in the meantime. At this moment Kosovska Mitrovica has to exits in this manner since there is no other way to secure the survival of Serbs in this region. Any sort of integration would endanger the survival of the Serb population. That is the basic reason for our insistence on the attitude that status quo is currently the best solution for us. Only after a mass return of refugees to this region and economic development that would provide some sort of material security for the citizens, it would be possible to discuss some sort of reintegration. The first step towards something like that would be the establishment of economic links and that would with time develop into stronger links.
What is your assessment of announcements, frequently made by the current Serbian regime, as well as the Army and Police, that the Yugoslav Army and Police will soon return to Kosovo?
For now, these statements have exclusively internal character and are intended for the citizens of Serbia [proper]. In is unrealistic to even contemplate something like that.
Would you agree that the fact that the SPS has marginalized its cadres from Kosovo, who stayed with their constituents and who undeniably in the past were an important factor within the Socialist Party, means that the SPS is slowly turning away from the Kosovo problem?
I do not understand such human resources policy within the SPS. If it were up to me I would exactly favor people who summoned courage to stay with their constituents over those who left Kosovo together with or even before the Army and Police. The Serb people in Kosovo is disappointed with such situation and feels sold out and cheated, although many of them unreservedly supported the SPS in the past. I believe that the situation in which the Serbs from Kosovo currently are would be significantly different if concrete political moves were made timely and if the representatives of the authorities exhibited more political wisdom.
To what extent can the current political clash between Belgrade and Podgorica [Serbia and Montenegro] influence future fate of the Serb people in Kosovo?
Without doubt our future survival in this region depends on internal relations in the Yugoslav federation. If there are divisions within FR Yugoslavia, our situation will in many ways become much worse and I am convinced that in that case we stand no chance of survival here. The authorities in both federal units must realize that at this moment national interests have primacy over any sort of political interests. Because of that fact we, Serbs from Kosovo, appeal to all relevant political forces in FR Yugoslavia, to invest maximum effort to make sure that relations between Serbia and Montenegro are not made any worse, as well as that solutions that would improve these relations be found. The authorities in Belgrade must be aware of the fact that regardless of how small Montenegro may be, she must be treated as a fully equal federal unit. Only in that case we can count on keeping Kosovo as a province within FR Yugoslavia.
At a IACK session, two days ago, she demanded that a final solution for the problem of Serb prisoners in Kosovska Mitrovica be found. Her intention to join the delegation of the IACK which visited Djakovica, on condition that Albanian leaders express sympathy for suffering Serb families, caused confusion among Albanian representatives in the IACK. Kouchner "admitted to Rada Trajkovic that UN and KFOR cannot guarantee her security," and consequently she did not join the trip to Djakovica.
First, around 1pm, a Police vehicle was fired upon from a mortar. Albanian extremists managed to hit the vehicle from a nearby grove, but fortunately no one was hurt in the attack. For security reasons, the road Bujanovac-Gnjilane was closed for traffic for about one hour. The other attack took place two days ago in late afternoon, when two mortar shells were fired on a civilian vehicle traveling from Gnjilane towards Dobrosin, Konculj and Bujanovac. There were no casualties in this attack either, but there was material damage.
Police sources from the south of Serbia confirmed for this journalist that on Saturday at about 8pm the Police checkpoint in Konculj, at the very administrative border between Kosovo and Serbia proper, was attacked by more than ten mortars and sniper fire. There were no casualties and the extremists ran away after the attack.
Police sources claim that these attacks are carried out by the so-called Liberation Army of Presevo, Bujanovac and Medvedja, based in the mountain village of Dobrosin, above the road leading from Bujanovac towards Gnjilane.
Since July last year 39 incidents have been registered in the Presevo valley.
by V.Z. Cvijic
Marta says that she got in trouble virtually two steps from the doors of the Belgrade City Hall. She fell on the ground and the policemen were hitting anyone who tried to assist her. Six or seven policemen were hitting her with batons and kicking her with their boots, even after she stopped moving. She somehow found enough strength to tell them to leave her alone. They paused and then Milan Ljubisavljevic (his hand can be seen on the photograph) pulled her in the lobby of the City Hall. This high school student, besides many bruises "earned" a gash on her head, 5cm wide and 11cm long [2in by 4in].
"I was lying in the lobby, and there were many injured people around me. Some of them were moaning. It wasn't over, since the special police attacked the front door. They hit without reason, without pretext, even if you stop moving," says Marta. She promises to continue to attend protests."I do not want to live for hundred years as a slave. It is worth risking for the sake of future and children who are coming. I would like the most to be able not to care about news and even not know who the president of my country is. For me it would be a victory if the current regime fell, if this country became democratic and if I could live from my own work. I could not bear to feed my children by killing someone else's children," explains Marta.
Dragana Manojlovic, Marta's mother told parents to stand with their children: "In Otpor I met children who do not tell their parents where they go, although their parents share their political views, but are afraid for their offspring. We, parents, should stand between the Police and our children."
Marta explains that she did not join the protest because anyone of the opposition leaders, but that our opposition is the only opposition we have and that they should lead the people, rather than trot behind them.
Dragana Manojlovic, the mother of seventeen-year-old Marta, an activist of the movement Otpor who, as her mother told BETA, was beaten up on May 18 in Belgrade, at a protest because of the state takeover of the Belgrade TV station Studio B, when the Police clashed with citizens and threw tear gas on them.
"We parents have for a long time been convinced that nothing positive can be solved here, and what is even worse, we are demanding from our children to be like us, apathetic. We are against this regime, but we helplessly sit in our apartments and give advice to our children to, like us, sit somewhere on the side and wait for a better future. They, unlike us, consciously know that goals require work," states the letter sent by Manojlovic to BETA. "While our children distribute flyers, are beaten and arrested, we sit and pretend that this is happening to somebody else's children.
I wonder what we are waiting for?
We are waiting for a Law about Terrorism hoping that somebody else's children will be tried based on this law. We demand and want that our children live long lives, but we do not care about the quality of these lives. By that, we demand from them to abandon all hope in a better tomorrow," states the letter.
"No one respects us anymore. We must deserve respect of our children. Let us at least have trust in youth and open up towards our children, so that we can share at least a bit of their energy," Dragana Manojlovic also states in her letter. She told the Police "to rein in storm troopers in its ranks" and "if it wants to make arrests, arrest parents, not children".
Dragana Manojlovic wrote this message to parents because of the beating of children but also, as she told BETA, prompted by the letter of singer Djordje Balasevic to the citizens of Nis. Two days ago Balasevic postponed his concert in this city and in his letter to the citizens of Nis stated that he "cannot and will not sing while children are beaten in the streets".