By J.Tasic
If these attacks continue, is there a possibility that northern Mitrovica may fall?
Northern Mitrovica will not fall because it is defended by people who have been on the bridge and fighting for nine months already. I think that the Albanians lost their chance to occupy this part of the city in the first three months [after the entry of KFOR to Kosovo]. Now, that is much more difficult. The people have gotten used to fighting. They are determined to stay here and their number is significantly higher than during July and August, when the city was defended by 2,000 to 3,000 people. Now, there are more than 10,000 of them. These people will not easily chased away from their homeland.
Ordinary people would be happy if their Army and Police came back, and that is a normal feeling. People hope that their situation would improve. Although most of us know that that won't happen, no one has the right to take away their hope. A lot of people who were in the Army and Police are from Kosovo and Metohija. They temporarily moved to Raska, Kraljevo... and want to come back. Our attitude is that the Army and Police should come back, above all to the border and to other territory. We can see that the International Community is against that, even against the symbolic figure of 999 soldiers. Their arrival would probably not mean much in the military sense, but would mean a lot psychologically for the people who stayed.
Aside from the decision not to participate in the Transitional Kosovo Administration, that is another difference between Mitrovica and Gracanica. Would you say that the existing differences are essential and deep?
The differences in opinion are given more significance than they deserve. All people in the Gracanica Council are my friends, including bishop Artemije, Momcilo Trajkovic, Randel Nojkic... It is natural that we have different opinions, but that is not a reason to fight. Our differences in opinion must not hurt the Serb cause and Serb interests in Kosovo. In general, we Serbs must cooperate and should have a common front. Even if those cases where there are differences, these should not be emphasized, since foreigners and Albanians are looking forward to a "split" among the Serbs. Serbs are now divided into "left" and "right", the Serb National Assembly [pro-Milosevic body based in Serbia proper] and the SNC. It would be fatal for our interests if the SNC were to split in two. We must learn something from the Albanians. Even if we do not agree or dislike each other, when national interests are concerned, we must act together.
For example, I disagree with the statement by Rada Trajkovic that we in the north of Kosovo and Metohija will end up like Serbs from Krajina [Serb-majority part of Croatia from where Serbs were expelled following the Croatian "liberation" of the area in 1995]. Such comparisons are neither adequate nor realistic. In Krajina, Serbs were living in the Croatian state. Here, there is no Albanian state, so that it could give and offer something to Serbs. But, that is no reason for fighting with Rada Trajkovic. I admire that she stayed in Kosovo. Because of that, and if our brothers from Gracanica decide to join the Temporary Administration of Kosovo, we shall not argue with them. We are too few to be disunited. We shall respect their decision, but we do not want to participate in that type of administration. That is our definite decision. We believe that there is no point in sitting in the same government with Hashim Thaqi. It is absurd, since all Serbs are convinced that he is the organizer of the ethnic cleansing of Serbs.
At the time he was not engaged in ethnic cleansing of Serbs. Now, he has expelled more than 300,000 non-Albanians from Kosovo. I think that that is a significant difference. On the other hand, this transitional administration should, in practice, put together a new state, and the Serbs are supposed to participate in the setting up of the foundations of that state and its development. That, in a way, prejudges the final status of the province.
One day, we shall have to negotiate with Albanians.
That is true. However, if we are going to live in the same state, they have to give up their platform about independent Kosovo. I do not see why we should negotiate if their demand is secession. If the whole world says that Kosovo is a part of Yugoslavia, than we can negotiate with the Albanians based on that and discuss the status of Kosovo. It would be absurd to negotiate with someone who advocates the secession of Kosovo.
How much influence does Mitrovica have on the SNC of Kosovo and Metohija, since about a half of all the remaining Serbs in Kosovo lives in the northern part of the province?
We do not have the intention to abuse our position, which is advantageous in comparison with the position of other Serbs in the province. We do not intend to make decisions about what the SNC of Kosovo and Metohija should do, but we do express our opinion whenever we believe that we are right. Regarding the issue of participation in the temporary administration, I think that we share the opinion of the majority of Serbs, not only in the north of Kosovo and Metohija, but also of those living in the central part of the province.
To what extent does party policy influence the views of the SNC in Kosovska Mitrovica? For example, you are a member of the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). What is the political affiliation of other members of the Council?
There is not much influence, because the DSS is a national political party and a large number of Serbs in Kosovo are behaving nationally. This is the time of struggle for survival, so that people agree with DSS's policies, although in the past they did not vote for this political party. I think that that is even more pronounced after the visit of Vojislav Kostunica [leader of DSS] to the northern part of Kosovo. Although it [DSS] did not have crucial influence, it was important that most members of the SNC from Kosovska Mitrovica are DSS members as well, although the political affiliation of other members of the Council is pretty diverse. Besides DSS, there are members of the Serb Renewal Movement (SPO), independent intellectuals... We even had one member of the Serb Radical Party, but it seems they do not allow him to attend out meetings any more. There are also people from the ruling party [the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS)], who were written off by their party as soon as they joined the Council. They are even receiving threats. True, these threats have so far been discrete. They are not as loud as in the past.
Is it true that Oliver Ivanovic, the president of the SNC of Kosovska Mitrovica is a member of the United Yugoslav Left (JUL) and that that is one of the reasons for his difficulties with the team from Gracanica?
He claims that he is a member of SPS and not JUL and that he has, allegedly, "frozen" his membership in the party. My impression is that the animosity in the relation Oliver Ivanovic - the SNC of Kosovo and Metohija is only due to his opposition to the merging of the Mitrovica SNC with the provine-wide SNC. Out of four municipal councils which make up the Regional Council of Kosovska Mitrovica, three (Zvecan, Zubin Potok and Leposavic) were for the establishment of a single organization with the SNC of Kosovo and Metohija. Ivanovic from Mitrovica asserted that we are very strong and that we won't gain anything from the cooperation with the SNC of Kosovo and Metohija. We did not accept his opinion, since we believed that we should form a common front with our brothers against Albanians.
We realized that the International Community accepts our demands if we are decisive and offer arguments for them. The only way for Serbs to stay in their homes and for those who were expelled to return to Kosovo is to form cantons, within which we would establish independent judiciary and police, whose members would be appointed by the International Community, based on the proposals made by the local Serbs. We must not abandon our platform. It is equally good and significant for Serbs living in the central and in the northern part of the province. In these seven months it became obvious that any other solution leads to the exodus of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija.
Would it be possible to propose to Kouchner that Kosovska Mitrovica maintain its present status, while all other enclaves would accept offered self-rule that would with time be developed to the status of the northern part?
Kouchner has called us several times and sort of offered us to replace bishop Artemije and Momcilo Trajkovic. We clearly said that we do not want to be anybody's replacement, that we respect what the bishop and Trajkovic are doing, and that Kouchner should work on bringing them back to the Transitional Council instead of searching for some new Serbs. During these negotiations, we told Kouchner that the only chance for Serbs is cantonization, as well as that that is the real recipe against independent Kosovo. We explained that cantonization does not imply a division of Kosovo. However, Kouchner probably does not make decisions on his own. Perhaps, he has to consult and ask someone else.
According to the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244, Kosovo and Metohija are in Yugoslavia. However, in practice, the province is an international protectorate. In such circumstances, what are the possibilities for action of the Serb community, and what is the best solution?
The most important thing for Serbs is to depose Milosevic, since in that case our position and attitude towards us would be different. In Kosovo and Metohija, the real authority is in the hands of Hashim Thaqi and his parallel army and police, which is active in pretty much all the settlements in the province. The International Community issues certain decrees and proclamations, but it is nothing but a decoration and its purpose is to make concessions to Albanians whenever possible. Serbs are in a rather difficult situation and must be wise and fight for their survival. The authorities do not want to give support to those who enjoy the support of the people. I am talking about the northern part of Kosovo and people who are defending the northern part of Mitrovica. They do not support the current authorities in Serbia. Nevertheless, Serbs who live in the province must rely to a certain extent to their motherland in order to survive. Especially as far as pensions, salaries and other facets of everyday life are concerned.
On the other hand, the Serbs are negotiating with the International Community, which has to make a decision regarding the status of Kosovo. A heavy burden has fallen on weak shoulders.
Now, the opposition is also trying to help. What do you expect from them?
I think that a part of the Serbian opposition, SPO and DSS, during the last few months has in the right way tried to protect the populace in Kosovo and to emphasize the exodus of non-Albanian population from the province, while the Alliance for Changes (SZP), I think, has neglected the plight of Kosovo Serbs. We had a chance to hear and watch how a large number of these politicians who traveled abroad and saw numerous foreign politicians, rarely or never emphasized the problem of the exodus of their own people. We know that Milosevic is the worst problem in Serbia, but we deserve to be at least mentioned in the conversations of these people with foreign representatives.
I think that he was looking for his candidates between Oliver Ivanovic, whom he praised quite a lot in the newspapers, and bishop Artemije. We shall see if he'll find anyone.
by J.T.
"We emphasized that the problem of Kosovska Mitrovica cannot be solved separately, but only in the context of the overall status of the Serb people in the province. Mitrovica is actually a turning point for the solution of the Kosovo problem. A solution of the problems in that city should serve as an example how the problems of other cities in Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved. We agreed that it is necessary to work at the same time on the return of expelled Serbs to the southern part of Mitrovica and on the return of Albanians to the northern part of the city. The return of Albanians should be individual, and include only those who have a documented proof of residence in the northern part of Mitrovica," explained bishop Artemije. In his opinion, an international commission should be established to monitor these returns.
Representatives of the SNC of Kosovska Mitrovica did not participate in the negotiations in Gracanica but "having in mind the obvious disagreements between the Serbs living in Mitrovica and the rest of Kosovo," as bishop Artemije emphasized, Kouchner was told that he had to discuss the same topics with the representatives of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovska Mitrovica.
According to the bishop, the negotiations with the UNMiK chief, "who has so far mostly been concerned with the Albanian problems", also dealt with the solution of the Serb problem in the province. Kouchner was told that until the certain conditions are fulfilled, the Serb community in Kosovo cannot participate in the work of the Temporary Administrative Council.
"Without improved security of the remaining Serbs, creation of conditions for the return of the expelled population and establishment of conditions for coexistence, since the multiethnic idea has obviously been defeated in this period, as well as introduction of local self-rule in the Serb enclaves in cooperation with the International Community, we cannot participate in the work of the Temporary Council. It is necessary that all these points are resolved, and specified in treaties, as well as that all four Serb enclaves in Kosovo and Metohija agree about it," said bishop Artemije, emphasizing the need for cooperation with the International Community regarding the humanitarian assistance to Kosovo Serbs, establishment of the media in the Serb language in Kosovo and Metohija, opening of new hospitals that were so far promised for Gracanica and Orahovac.
"We also need professional support. Almost all intellectuals have left Kosovo and Metohija and only the rural population is still here.
"In the interest of better organization of activities on the normalization of the life in the province, we need a team of experts. But without a project for the return of expelled Serbs, we believe that it is impossible to resolve administrative questions regarding the status of the province, governance, population census, elections... Without the return of our people, we shall not accept to participate in the census, nor in the elections," emphasized bishop Artemije.