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Could Regionalization be Used to Politically Stabilize Serbia?

Several Advocates - Different Expectations

by Mica Savic

Danas, Beograd, FR Yugoslavia, February 27-28 1999

Many believe that the problem of Serbia's regionalization will be reopened soon after the solution to the Kosovo drama. This problem, which, true, is still on the margins of the interest of the political public, elicits very different reactions: while for some it is nothing but disguised separatism, for others it is the best cure for separatism and a path towards democratization and decentralization of the Serbian authorities.

Advocates of this idea in Serbia, among other coalition Sandzak, the Democratic Party of Serbia, and coalition Vojvodina, see regionalization as one of the successful methods for diffusion of antagonisms which are almost as a rule present in societies with heterogeneous ethnic and economic structure, such as Serbia. Regionalization is also viewed as the most efficient method for democratization and decentralization. They believe that the majority of burning problems facing Serbian society would have been significantly minimized had this project been implemented in the past.

Referring to the European experiences, above all from Italy and Spain, advocates of the regionalism emphasize that exactly regionalization provided for reduction in the tension between minority communities and central authorities contributing in that way significantly to the preservation of the integrity of the country. However, they add, this concept turned out to be very successful also in the countries without significant ethnic conflicts. In their opinion, the example of Spain is especially interesting. Due to regional organization, Spain managed to defeat separatism and terrorism, above all in the Basque country and Galicia. Besides, regionalism as the transfer of the right to decide about crucial issues from the center to the local authorities, corresponds well to the increasing globalization, a process of cultural and information integration of the world.

However, although they mostly agree in connection with the need for the regionalization of Serbia, are convinced of Serbia's democratic potential, and are all using Spain as an example of a country which could be used as our example, the understanding of the true meaning of this idea among its advocates reveals apparently irreconcilable differences.

The leader of the Democratic Party of Serbia, Vojislav Kostunica advocates thorough regionalization of Serbia as a part of the total decentralization of the country, including constitutional changes, and strengthening of the parliamentarian system and political freedoms. He believes that this problem must not be limited to the solution of crisis spots such as Vojvodina and Sandzak, i.e. that regionalization should not be limited to a part of the territory. According to him, its true value can only be seen if the regionalization is applied to the whole country: "As soon as you apply regionalization to only a part of the territory, you can be certain that you will strengthen your power, centralize it, which cancels the very idea of democratization based on regionalism," emphasizes Kostunica. He adds: "I expect that this question will reopen and that certain parts of Serbia will approach it in a selfish way as an optimal solution of the problem. But if the project is approached in the way it is in Vojvodina than it is void of the true sense of regionalization: democratization and decentralization." In his opinion, such demands are closer to the struggle for a state, for the strengthening of state authority in one part of territory and conflict with the center in Belgrade and the rest of the country.

The leader of coalition Vojvodina, Dragan Veselinov, does not agree with the theory that it is necessary to apply the idea of regionalization to all of Serbia although he does not exclude such a possibility. He believes that every part of the country should decide on its own whether to establish a region or not. "We cannot take care of others," says Veselinov. Unlike the president of DSS, who carefully distinguishes between regionalization and federalization, for Veselinov they are one and the same. "Coalition Vojvodina sees Vojvodina as a modern region which must have its own judicial, executive and legislative authority," says Veselinov. Emphasizing patriotic character of his concept of regionalization, the leader of Vojvodina coalition adds that this region would be an integral part of Serbia: within same borders, under one flag and Constitution, with a single army, customs and monetary policy. But the protection of autonomy, emphasizes Veselinov, demands strong guarantees from the International Community, having in mind that "in 1990 Belgrade illegally and violently abolished the autonomy of Vojvodina." He believes that Vojvodina should get the same status as Kosovo as "a clear legislative region". "Finally, even Serbia must establish itself as a separate federal unit, so that Kosmet, Serbia and Vojvodina can together form a federal Serbia," says Veselinov.

Coalition Sandzak has been advocating regionalization of the state for a while. It sees in this concept a solution for the Sandzak problems, and even some ethnic and minority problems in Serbia, says the president of the coalition, Rasim Ljajic. "We look at the concept of regionalization in several ways. Essentially, it is a demand for the general decentralization of Serbia. The first element of our proposal is the formation of regions in all of Serbia. Regions would be established on the basis of traffic links, economy, geography, historical and cultural criteria. Naturally, certain ethnic characteristics of some regions would also be taken into account. The regions should not be purely based on ethnic criteria, but on the principles of multiethnic society and civic state. Further, this project is based on the extended jurisdiction of the local authorities, so that the municipalities would regain the authority they had in the 1974 Constitution," says Ljajic.

"Democratic nature of a society is also judged by the level of local self-rule and, of course, by the level of rights of ethnic and minority communities. A widening of the local self-rule has the potential to diffuse certain ethnic antagonisms, which exist in this state," says Ljajic. He adds that this concept of regionalization implies the formation of the so-called national councils, whose function would be to enable minorities to preserve and develop their national, cultural, linguistic, and every other identity.

Unlike Veselinov, the leader of coalition Sandzak sees an essential difference between federalization and regionalization. "Above all, federalization implies formation of a small number of federal units with attributes of statehood. Regionalization on the other hand is a healthy compromise between the existing trend towards centralization and demands of some political parties and minority communities for the enhancement of their political, ethnic, and cultural rights," says Ljajic.

Advocates of regnionalization emphasize that one of its effects is the preservation of the common state, and prevention of separatist tendencies in Yugoslavia. The president of DSS says that regionalization deprives separatists of their trump cards. "If a part of the state desires a high degree of self-rule, it receives it through a region. If the citizens from that part of the state mostly belong to a certain minority community, a Federal law could guarantee some additional rights. If you have the right to local self-rule, are protected as a separate ethnic community, and have conditions to protect your cultural, ethnic, religious, and every other identity, then it is difficult to advocate something else," emphasizes Kostunica. Ljajic believes that if "there is no regionalization of Serbia, or Yugoslavia, separatism will be strengthened in the future. "I see regions as a transitional solution, as a bridge towards wider integration with our neighbors and, naturally, wider European integrations," says Ljajic.

"Simply said, a regional state is somewhere in between a unitary and a federal state. If regions are given wider jurisdiction, they may attain jurisdiction equal to that of federal units. Similarly, federal units, if their jurisdiction is widened, can resemble members of a confederation. The former Yugoslavia, based on the Constitutions from 1968 and 1974, was nominally a federation, while it was actually a confederation. Such developments are possible with a regional state as well and in that case it would be exposed to all risks of disintegration. Therefore, every excessive widening of regional self-rule can be dangerous. I am convinced that we must follow prevailing standards elsewhere in the world," says Kostunica.

The fate of the regionalization idea in this region and the consequences it may produce on the emotional Serbian political scene will depend, indubitably from the good will which the advocates and opponents of this idea are prepared to display.


Translated on 6/15/99


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