by Zeljko CVIJANOVIC
Even when he seriously shakes up Djindjic, by claiming in the midst of the "Gavrilovic scandal" that post-Milosevic Serbia is a semi-criminal state, even when he jars Kostunica by collecting signatures for the dismissal of General Pavkovic, and even when he hits Batic and says that his advocacy of Serbian independence endangers the accession of Yugoslavia to the Council of Europe, when he hits left and right, Svilanovic is still not an original political player on the political scene, but merely some sort of a messenger who in pauses between his diplomatic journeys testifies about the dissatisfaction of the foreigners with the two Serbian leaders. Therefore, Svilanovic is not a third force, his criticism of the Serbian leaders is balanced just as much as the dissatisfaction of the foreigners with the changes in Belgrade is balanced, and these two things, authenticity and opinion of foreigners, should not be mixed up.
But, all of that again implies that Svilanovic can be totally carefree and unconcerned about the danger of counterattack of those he criticizes even when he negotiates with foreigners about accession to the Partnership for Peace before the federal government has discussed that issue, even when he promises extraditions to the Hague tribunal before there is any consensus in the government about that, even when, if the Zagreb press is to be believed, he agrees that the border between Yugoslavia and Croatia does not follow the middle of the Danube River, so that Croatia include decent chunks of the Apatin municipality. Svilanovic knows that Vuk Obradovic paid for far less, that Momcilo Perisic became a movie star (Military Studios) with likelihood that he would soon join the extras, that Dragan Mariscanin's bed was taken apart even before anyone knew why he was worthy of so much scrutiny...
Svilanovic's lack of concern for being engulfed in a similar scandal only reflects the fact that foreigners like him and, similarly, indicates that it is totally irrelevant whether and to what extent the local participants are satisfied with his work. However, in currently distorted conditions, that can be both criticized and defended. The problem, however, is something else. The position from which Svilanovic criticizes is above all a measure of his lack of authenticity.
Because, if it were otherwise, Yugoslav chief diplomat would, talking about Batic's independence referendum, dare mention that Batic's independence campaign is one of the biggest political swindles in the post-Milosevic Serbia, rather than something that bothers foreigners and reduces likelihood that Yugoslavia will join the Council of Europe. The essence of that swindle is as follows: although charged rhetoric of Serbian politicians regarding the joint state of Serbia and Montenegro does not lack concern about state, nation, and democracy, the issue of fourth Yugoslavia in Belgrade boils down to who will rule Serbia as the only pen in which local politicians have any chance of imposing their authority.
After ten years, the weariness of the citizens of Serbia with unsuccessful attempts to resolve statehood issues is exploited by Batic. Batic skillfully found an issue that would allow him to distinguish himself from other parties participating in the ruling Democratic Opposition of Serbia coalition and raise the issue of independence for Serbia. This was an opportunity that cities and towns in Serbia receive numerous new billboards and realize that there is a Christian Democratic Party in Serbia, even if in Italy the party with the same name is not doing that great. Of course, Batic's initiative is exactly ten years late. This way, it is only a product of self-doubt and weariness of the nation and a marketing campaign based on them, which implies that in post-Milosevic Serbia every life is worth a pound of flesh.
How come we know that? Simple. Have you ever heard Batic saying that he would resign if the referendum on the independence of Serbia fails? Of course, you haven't. Batic is not silly to leave the trough that he has only recently joined. That fact that he is going solo, instead of being a part of the team - big deal, everyone will get a chance for a solo act.
When Djindjic defended Batic from Svilanovic's attacks, he said that his government is not a communist government and that it is not based on consensus. Consequently, everyone has the right to criticize its work. In other words, the government of Serbia is not a communist government so that it would prevent Batic from earning 15 minutes of fame, something that everyone should have a chance to try. Furthermore, those 15 minutes of fame will most likely totally block Kostunica for a few more months, and by then, according to some, it will be clear who is on top in Serbia. Thanks to Batic, Milo Djukanovic, who welcomed the idea of the Serbian minister, also advocating independence of Serbia, and Djindjic, who is supposedly for a joint state, but is also prepared to welcome anyone who is against it, the Constitutional Charter of the Union of Serbia and Montenegro, will most definitely be late. Not a big deal. In the meantime, Kostunica will have to sit in the Federation Palace as a president of something that hasn't been a caterpillar for a while, and will definitely not become a butterfly in the foreseeable future (if ever) and in the meantime his every attempt to run for the president of Serbia will be condemned as inconsistency and a drive for power. Soon, we should have elections for the president of Serbia, and whether after that we shall have a joint state or not - will depend on elections in Montenegro and on whether after them Djukanovic will end up in Cetinje [capital] or in Spuz [prison]. After Batic, Serbia will not have a need to be interested in the joint state, just like it won't have to be interested in independence. Who cares about such trifles once in power?
What will happen if Kostunica detects that game (which should not be difficult) and dares run for the president of Serbia (which will be more difficult)? Djukanovic will complain to Solana that negotiations about the Constitutional Charter are failing because Kostunica demonstrates with his candidacy that he does not care about the joint state, Djindjic will swear and testify about the inconsistency of the president of the federation, and Batic will, best case, declare that the idea about independence of Serbia is his trademark and that now it was too late, because he had already had his 15 minutes of fame. Of course, there will be no referendum about the independence of Serbia, because Batic does not care about it.
That is why the exchange Svilanovic-Batic is important, but pointless. Svilanovic was attacked only to the extent he brought bad news. He was very careful not to try to unmask the true intentions behind Batic's (and Djindjic's) campaign. He only repeated what foreigners had said. On the other hand Batic only said as much as he thought was enough to distinguish him as someone who swims upstream. Of course, both of them were utterly insincere, not only because no one demonstrated in that exchange the lack of interest for any statehood or political concept. They only demonstrated that the story about the joint state of Serbia and Montenegro can become yet another, bad, eternity in making, which will not have the same edge as until recently the Hague tribunal had, but will again be dragged out forever, especially once it turns out that Serbs and Montenegrin politicians will take a true stand regarding Solana's proposal once they find out the answer to that eternal question: "And what do I get?"